




o. -».r.« .0'' V**^'' ^^* 



4 



,H°<. 




-ov*^ ; 











^' 








V» s • • 






* .^^ ^^. 












^0 



,•10^ 




"^ov* 



Jp-n*. 










> ^ 





^^^^ 














O » A 




M Cf 






4q 






4^ 












t -^.-^^ 



.^^f 












« • 



'^^<>'^' 















THE 

PRIDE OF BRITANNIA HUMBLED; 

OR, 

THE QUEEN OF THE OCEAN UNQUEEN'D, 

BY 

'THE AMERICAN COCK BOATS," 

AND 

*' THE FIR BUILT THINGS, WITH BITS OF STRIPED 
BUNTING AT THEIR MAST HEADS." 

(As the Rt. H. Mr. Canning, in the British parliament, called our Frigates.) 

ILLUSTRATED AND DEMONSTRATED 

BY FOUR LETTERS ADDRESSED TO LORD LIVERPOOL, 
ON THE LATE AMERICAN WAR. 

BY WILLIAM COBBETT, ESQ. 

To which is added, 

A GLIMPSE OF THE AMERICAN VICTORIES, 

On Land, on the Lakes, and on the Ocean. 

WITH A PERSUASIVE TO POLITICAL MODERATION. 

Most respectfully addressed to the persons composing- the two great 
parties in the United States, in g-enerfil, and to 
the politicians of Connecticut and Mas- 
sachusetts, in particular. 



PUBLISHED BY T. BOYLE, OF NEW-YORK; WM REYNOLDS, OF 
PHILADELPHIA; AND J. CAMPBELL, OF BALTIMORE. 

1815. 






T^l 



ADVERTISEMENT. 



THE following letters are worthy to be written in golden 
capitals, and should be presented to the American youth by 
their parents and guardians, for their serious investigation, 
as they exhibit in the clearest manner, the bravery of the 
American population, and the exjellency of our political in- 
stitutions, as well as the economy of our Federal govern- 
ment, especially when contrasted with the enormous expen- 
ditures of the monarchical governments of Europe. This 
interesting contrast has a direct tendency to convince even 
the Anglo-x\merican of the intrinsic value of civil liberty. 
But all true republicans, whether in the democratic or fede- 
ral party, will surely read with the greatest pleasure, let- 
ters (although written by an Englishman in England) which 
with the strictest truth, pass the highest encomiums on. the 
American arms and institutions, and which will be read with 
a pleasurable interest, even by the principal politicians of 
Europe. This small volume generally, is also calculated to 
promote the prosperity of these rising states, and to ward 
off the prelude of their annihilation; namely, party rancour 
political intolerance, as " United we stand, but divided we 
fcdl.^^ And it is particularly intended to inspire the Ame- 
rican youth with an ardent love of virtue, liberty, and inde- 
pendence, and detestation of monarchy and aristocracy; 
and to incline the hearts of all parties with sincere gratitude 
to our legitimate sovereign, the Supreme Being, for his pa- 
ternal care of the Republic, when danger was so near : and 
for the restoration of an honourable peace when our politi- 
cal horizon seemed impregnated with impending storms. 












LETTER I. 



TO THE EAUL OF LIVERPOOL, ON THE AMERICAN WAR, 

Botleij.JS'^uv. 24, 1814. 

My Lord — From the report of your speech on 
vhe 8th inst. it appears very clearly that your Lord- 
ship is, by the reporter, made to entertain an opin- 
ion, that the divisions amongst the American 
people are already such, that we may rationally 
hope, by a continuation of the war, to produce a 
compliance with any co?iditions, or an overthrow of 
the union, in which union alone consists the strength 
and prospect of future greatness in that rising and 
fast growing republic. — The words, as given in the 
report of your speech, were these : '' He, (the earl 
of Liverpool) had seen much stronger justifications 
of the conduct of our forces at Washington, which 
had been published in America, than any that had 
been published even in this country. Not only 
were they not more hostile to us, but the reverse 
was the case. In places even where tlie British 
arms had been successful, the people had shown 
themselves^in our flivor, and had seemed well dis- 
posed to put themselves under our protection." — 
Your lordship is not singular in your opinion, if it 
, be your opinion. It is the general opinion in this 
country. How that opinion had been created and 
kept alive, 1 will not now inquire. The yneans made 
jise of for this purpose, the *' most thinking peo- 



( 4 ) 

pie" know nothing of. They have opinions fur- 
nished them by others as regularly as soldiers or sai- 
lors are served with rations. The lower class are, 
from their poverty, wholly without the pale of infor- 
mation, true or false, and appear to know and care 
as little about the acts of the government, and the 
state of public affairs, as the earth, or any other sub- 
stance, on which they expend their time and their 
physical force. The middle class are so incessant- 
ly employed in pursuit of the means of keeping 
themselves from the horrors of pauperism, that they 
have no time for discussion or inquiry. Many per- 
sons, in this class of life, have asked me, whether 
the Americans could speak English, Few men in 
the higher ranks of life know any thing worth spea- 
king of, with regard to the American republic, a na- 
tion nearly equal in population to Great Britain, and 
inhabited, as we now feel, by men full as enterpri- 
zing and as brave as our own soldiers and sailors. 
Even the writers who have fanned the flame of this 
bloody war, know nothing at all about the real state 
of America ; for, though they have no desire to 
promulgate truth ; though it is their trade to de- 
ceive and cheat the people, they show, by their 
statements, that they are ignorant of facts, which, if 
they knew them, would make them able to deceive 
with less exposure to detection. This being the 
case, it is no wonder that the whole nation is in a state 
of error, as to this matter of primary importance. 
On the day when the news reached the country, re- 
lative to the capture of the city of Washington, I 
happened to call, on my way homewards from Sus- 
sex, at the house of a gentleman, who was as likely 
to be as well informed as any other gentleman in the 
country, as to this or any other political matter. The 
following was the dialogue, wherein I shall exhibit 



( 5 ) 

the gentleman and his good wife under the name of 

Friend. 

Mrs. Friend, Well, Mr. Cobbett, we shall soon 
get rid of the income tax, [for so it is called in the 
country] noxv. 

Mr. Cobbett, Shall we, Madam ? I am very glad 
to hear it. It will enable me to get a better horse 
for my gig. — [_She had just been laughing at my 
scurvy equipage.'] — But, whyiiow, Madam? What 
has happened to excite such a cheering hope ? 

Mrs. Friend, Why, have you not heard the 
7iews ? 

Mr. Cobbett. No. 

Mr. Friend, We have taken the capital of Ame- 
rica. 

Mrs. Friend. And the cowardly dogs, to the 
amount of 9,000 men, ran away before 1,500 of our 
soldiers. 

Mr. Friend. President and all ran away ! — No- 
body knows where they went to, and the people 
were ready to submit to us all over the country. 

Mrs. Friend. Cowardly dogs ! Not stand to fight 
a moment for their capital. They are a pretty na- 
tion to go to war with England ! 

Mr. Friend. They ran away like a great flock of 
South Down sheep before a pack of hounds. 

Mrs. Friend. The cowardly creatures will never 
dare show their faces again. What can you say for 
these Americans now ? 

Mr. Cobbett, Why, I say, that ^you appear to 
know no more about them than about the people 
said to be in the moon. Let me look at the paper. 
\_It lays before her on the table,] 

Mrs. Friend, No; we must tell it you. It is too 
long for you to sit and read to yourself. 

Mr. Cobbett, Well ; now mind, I tell you, that, 

A 2 



( 6 ) 

instead of putting an end to the war, this event will 
tend to prolong it ; and, mind, I tell you, that un- 
less xve give tip what we contend for, the war will 
be of many years duration, and will be as expensive 
and more bloody tlian the war in Europe has been. 

Mr. Friend. We give up to such cowards as the 
Americans ! 

Mr. Cohhett. I do not mean to give up either ter- 
ritory or honour, I mean give up the point in dis- 
pute ; ov^ raih^v, o\xx present apparent object. The 
Americans, like other people, cannot meet discipli- 
ned armies, until they have time to organize and dis- 
cipline themselves. But, the Americans are not 
cowards. Madam. Their seamen have proved that ; 
and, what I fear is, that a continuance of the war 
will make the proof clearer and clearer every day, 
by land as well as by sea ; and, I am noxv more than 
ever afraid of a long continuation of the war ; be- 
cause, if such people as you seriously think that we 
are able to conquer America, I can have no reason 
to hope than any part of the nation remains unde- 
ceived. 

Mr. Friend. But, do you not think that the states 
will divide ? 

Mr. Cohhett. Certainly not. 

Mr. Friend. No ! 

Mr. Cohhett. No. And I should be glad to know 
tvhat are yt)ur reasons for believing that they will 
divide. If you will give me any reasons for your 
belief, I will give you mine for a contrary belief. 
Do you think, madam, that the people of America 
are weary of living for thirty years widiout an in- 
come tax ? 

Mr. Friend. I have no reasons of my own about 
the matter. We see, in all our papers^ that the 
Americans are a very divided people. They say 
i}:iat they cannot long hold together. 



( ^ } 

Mr. Cobbett. And do you really believe what 
these corrupted vagabonds put into their columns ? 
You believe, then, of course, that '' the American 
navy would be swept from the face of the ocean in 
a month ;'^ for so they told you. — ^Yet, how differ- 
ent has been the events ! No, no : the Americans 
are not coxvards, madam. 

Mrs. Friend, Have you had such heaps of le- 
mons this year as you used to have ? 

Such was, as nearly as I can recollect, the dia- 
logue on this occasion ; and, as I am sure, that the 
war is continued in the hope, on the part of the na- 
tmi^ at least, of deriving success from a breaking 
tip of the union in America, which I am thorough- 
ly persuaded we shall not effect, or see take place, I 
will endeavour to shew, that this, my persuasion, 
rests on good grounds ; and, if I succeed in this 
endeavour, I shall not yet abandon the liope, to 
which my heart clings, of seeing peace speedily res- 
tored between the two countries, upon terms not 
injurious to the interest or character of either. 

In turning back, now, to the reported speech of 
your lordship I perceive, and I perceive it with regret, 
that you are, by the reporter, made to found your 
opinionof the Americans' disaffection to their govern- 
ment, and of their attachment to our king, in part, 
upon their having treated our officers, prisoners of 
war, with great liberality and kindness. I noticed 
this in my last number. I challenged any one to 
shew the instance, in which they had ever behaved 
cruell}^ to prisoners of war. I cited the memorable 
case of Mr. (now Sir Charles) Asgyll^ and I appeal- 
ed to their uniform conduct, during the present 
war, including the instances of commodores Bain- 
bridge and Perry, But as the conduct of the for- 
mer, in this respect, has been most basely slandered 



( 8 ) 

in some of our public prints, I will be somewhat 
more particular as to both instances, adding that of 
capt. Lcavreiice, 

Commodore Bainbridge captured the Java, off 
St. Salvadore, on the 29th*of December, 1812. — 
His frigate, the Constitution, carried 44 guns, and 
ours 49 guns, according to the American accounts. 
Ours, he says, had upwards of 400 men on board. 
The repubhcans killed 60 and wounded 170 of our 
officers and men, and had themselves 9 killed and 
25 wounded. After the battle, at their pressing re- 
quest, commodore Bainbridge paroled them alL 
The Java had on board lieutenant general Hislop and 
his staff, together with several supernumerary offi- 
cers and men. The following letter of general 
Hislop to commodore Bainbridge will best speak for 
the latter : 

*' Dear Sir — I am justly penetrated with the full- 
est sense of your very handsome and kind treat- 
ment, ever since the fate of war placed me in your 
power, and I beg once more to renew to you my 
sincerest acknowledo-ments for the same. Your 
acquiescence with my request in granting me my pa- 
role, with the officers of my staff, added to the ob- 
ligation I had previous experienced, claims from 
me this additional tribute of my thanks. May I 
now finally flatter myself, that in the further exten- 
sion of your generous and humane feelings, in the 
alleviation of the misfortunes of war, that you will 
have the goodness to fulfil the only wish and re- 
quest I am now most anxious to see completed, by 
enlarging on their parole (on the same conditions 
you have acceded to wuth respect to myself) all the 
officers of the Java, still on board your ship — a fa- 
vour I never shall cease duly to appreciate by your 
acquiescence thereto — 



( 9 ) 

" I have the honour to subscribe myself, dear sir, 
your much obliged and very humble servant." 

The request was instantly complied with. — Men 
and all were released upon parole. In the case of 
com. Perry, the battle was fought on Lake Erie, on 
the 10th Sept. 1813. With vessels, carrying alto- 
gether 54 guns, he not only defeated, but captured 
the whole of our fleet, six vessels, carrying 65 guns 
as he stated in his ofticial report ; which report, by 
the bye, fully justifies our admiralty as to Lake Erie. 
I take the following paragraph from his report to 
his government upon this occasion : 

" I also beg your instructions respecting the 
wounded. I am satisfied. Sir, that whatever steps 
I might take^ governed by humanity^ would meet 
your approbation. Under this impression, I have 
taken upon myself to promise capt. Barclay, who is 
very dangerously wounded, that he shall be landed 
as near Lake Ontario as possible, and I had no doubt 
youvvouid allow me to parole him. He is under 
the impression that nothing but leaving this part of 
the country will save his life. There are also a 
number of Canadians among the prisoners, many 
%vho have families, ' ' 

Capt. Lawrence, in the brig Hornet, attacked and 
sunk, in fifteen minutes, our brig, the Peacock, 
killing between thirty and forty of our men, while 
the Hornet had only one man killed and two wound- 
ed, — Thus says the American report. Ours I have 
not at hand. Then comes the following letter : 
New-York, 21th March, 1813. 
^ *' Sir — We, the surviving officers of his Britan- 
nic Majesty's late brig Peacock, beg leave to return 
you our grateful acknowledgments for the kind at- 
tention and hospitality we experienced during the 
time we remained on board the United States' sloop 



( 10 ) 

Hornet. So much was done to alleviate the dis- 
tressing and uncomfortable situation in which we 
were placed, when received on board the sloop you 
command, that we cannot better express our feel- 
ings than by saying, *^ JVe ceased to consider our- 
selves prisoners ;^^ and every thing that friendship 
could dictate was adopted by you, and the officers 
of the Hornet, to remedy the inconvenience we 
would otherwise have experienced from the una- 
voidable loss of the whole of our property and 
clothes by the sudden sinking of the Peacock, Per- 
mit us, then, sir, impressed, as we are, with a grate- 
ful sense of your kindness, for ourselves and the 
other officers and ship's company, to return you 
and the officers of the Hornet our sincere thanks, 
Avhich we shall feel obliged if you will communi- 
cate to them in our name ; and believe us to remam, 
with a high sense of the kind offices you have ren- 
dered us, your humble servants — F A. Wright, 
1st lieutenant ; C. Lambert, 2d lieutenant ; Ed- 
ward Lott, master; J. Whitaker, surgeon; F. 
Donnithrone Unwin, purser. James Lawrence, 
esq. commarider U» S. sloop Hornet, ^^ 

The American papers added, upon this occasion, 
the following: — " It is a fact worthy of note, and 
in the highest degree honourable to our brave tars, 
that on the day succeeding the destruction of his 
Britannic Majesty's brig Peacock, the crew of the 
Hornet made a subscription and supplied the pri- 
soners (who had lost almost every thing) with two 
shirts, a bluejacket and trowsers, each." 

Now, my lord, without going into more particu- 
lars, let me ask you, whether you think that this 
conduct towards our officers was the effect of dis- 
affiction towards their own government, of disap- 
probation of its conduct, of a hatred of the war, and 



C 11 ) 

of " a disposition to put themselves under our pro- 
tection ?" And, if you answer in the negative, as 
you must, I suppose, why do you think, that the 
humane treatment of our officers elsewhere indi- 
cates such a disposition ? Does your lordship see 
no possible danger in drawing such an inference ? 
Do you think, that it is wholly out of all belief, 
that your being reported to have drawn such an 
inference may render the treatment of our officers, 
prisoners of war, less humane and kind in future ? 
— Seeing that a disposition in an American citizen 
to put himself under the protection of our king is 
a disposition to commit treason^ in the eye of the 
laws of his country, would it be so very surprising 
if, in future, the Americans should be very cautious 
how they exposed themselves to the merit of such 
a compliment ? I must, however, do your lordship 
the justice to observe here, that what the proprietors 
of our newspapers have published as your speech^ 
might never have been uttered by you. — I would 
fain hope, that they have, in this case, put forth, 
under your name, the suggestions of their own 
mind. I, therefore, comment on the thing as theirs 
and not as yours. 

In order to show that there is no foundation for 
the hope entertained by people here, and so often 
expressed by our newspapers, of dividing the repub- 
lic of America^ I must go into a history of the par- 
ties which exist in that republic ; give an account of 
their origin and progress, and describe their present 
temper and relative force. — The population are di- 
vided into two parties ; the republicans and fe- 
deralists. The latter also claim the title oi re- 
publicans^ but it is, and I think we shall find, with 
justice, denied to them by the former. 

These two parties have, in fact, existed ever since 
the close of the revolutionary war, though their an- 



( 12 ) 

imosities have never appeared to be so great, nor to 
threaten such serious consequences as since the 
commencement of the French revolution, especially 
since the first presidency of Mr. Jefferson, whose 
exaltation to the chair, was the proof of decided tri- 
umph on the part of the republicans, and plunged 
their opponents into a state of desperation. 

"Yht federalists took their name from the general 
government, which htmg federative^ was called j^- 
deral. Some of the people, as well as some of the 
members of the convention who formed the constitu- 
tion, were for the new general government, and some 
w^ere against it. Those who were against it, and who 
were for a government of a still more democratical 
form, were called, at first, antifederalists — but, of 
late, they have been called republicans, in opposition 
to the federalists, who were for a government of an 
aristocratical, if not of nearly a kingly form, and who 
proposed, in the convention, a president and senate 
for life. There was at this time a great struggle be- 
tween the parties — the opposition of the republicans 
spoiled the projects of the federalists ; and the go- 
vernment was, at last, of a form and nature, which 
was wholly pleasing to neither, but did not on the 
other hand greatly displease either. 

The federalists, however, took the whole credit 
to themselves of having formed the government ; 
and, as general Washington, who had been presi- 
dent of the convention, and was decidedly for a fe- 
derative general government, was elected the presi- 
dent under the new constitution, the federalists at 
once assumed, that they were the only persons who 
had any right or title to have any thing to do with 
that government, treating their o]3ponents as persons 
necessarily hostile to, and, of course, unfit to be en- 
trusted with, the carrying on of tlie federal govern- 
ment. 



( 13 ) 

When the first congress met, under the new con- 
stitution, it was clear, that the federaHsts endeavored 
to do, by degrees, that which they had not been able 
to accomplish, all at once, in the convention. They 
proposed to address the president by the title of his 
serene highness, and to introduce other forms and 
trappings of royalty, or, at least, of a high aristocra- 
cy. Their intention was defeated to their inexpres- 
sible mortification. The people were shocked at 
these attempts ; and, from that moment, the oppo- 
site party seem to have gained ground in the confi- 
dence of the people, who abhorred the idea of any 
thing that bore a resemblance to kingly government 
or that seemed to make the slightest approach to- 
wards hereditary ov family rule. 

When the French revolution broke out ; when 
that great nation declared itself a republic, and went 
even further than America had gone in the road of 
democracy, the two parties took their different sides. 
Heats and animosities were revived. While gene- 
ral Washington remained president, however, he ac- 
ted widi so much caution and moderation, that it 
was difficult for any one openly to censure him. He 
was blamed by both parties. One wished him to 
take part with France, the other with England. He 
did neither, and upon the whole he left no party any 
good reason to complain of him. But when Mr. 
Adams, who was a native of Massachusetts, where 
the federal party was in great force, became presi- 
dent, be certainly did, yielding to the counsels of 
weak and violent men, push things very nearly to an 
offensive and defensive alliance with us. The vio- 
lent and unjust proceedings of the French govern- 
ment furnished a pretext for raising an army^ which 
was, for some time, kept on foot in time of peace ^ in 
the very teeth of the constitution. A sedition bill 

B 



C 14 ) 

was passed, with power of sending aliens out of the 
country ; and many other things were done, in the 
heat of the moment, which Mr. Adams, had he not 
been surrounded by the Massachusetts federahsts, 
never would have thought of, being a republican at 
heart, and a real friend to the liberties of his coun- 
try. 

Mr. Adams's presidency ended in March, 1800. 
He was proposed to be re-elected ; but he lost his 
election, and the choice fell upon Mr. Jefferson, who 
had always been deemed the head of the republican 
party. The truth is, that the people were republi- 
cans. Every thing had been tried ; threats, alarms, 
religion, all sorts of schemes ; but they took alarm 
at nothing but the attempts upon their liberty, and 
they hurled down the party who had made those at- 
tempts. Since that time, the government has been 
in the hands of the republicans. Mr. Jefferson was 
president for eight years, Mr. Madison for four 
years, and is now going on for the second four 
Years. 

Your lordship knows, as well as any man upon 
earth, how fond people are of place ^nd power ; and 
that no part of any opposition is so bitter and trou- 
blesome as that part, which consists of men, whose 
ambitious hopes may have been blasted by their be- 
ing tur?ied out of place. It now happened, very na- 
turally, but rather oddly, that the federalists became 
the opposition to the federal government ; but they 
still retained, and do retain their title ; though^ real- 
ly^ they ought to be called, the aristocrats, or roy- 
alists* 

This opposition is now, however, chiefly confin- 
ed to the state of Massachusetts, the state govern- 
ment of which has even talked dhoxxi separating 
Jrom the union. Your lordship has heard of a Mr. 



( 15 ) 

Henry, who was, it seems in close consultation and 
correspondence with the persons holding die reins 
of government in Massachusetts upon the subject of 
separation, and who pretended that he was employ- 
ed by sir James Craig, governor of Canada, for that 
purpose. Your lordship, I believe, disclaimed \\in\ 
and his intrigues, and, therefore, I must believe, of 
course, that he was not employed by our governor. 
But the people of America have been led to believe, 
that there must have been something in his story. 

This state of Massachusetts contains a great 
number of men of talents ; many rich men, become 
so chiefly by the purchasing, at a very low rate, of 
the certificates of soldiers who served in the late 
war, and by procuring ads of congress to cau^e the 
sums to be paid in fidl, which, indeed, was thought 
and openly said, to be their main object in pressing 
for a federal government with large powers. These 
men, now disappointed in all their ambitious hopes ; 
seeing no chance of becoming petty noblemen ; 
seeing the offices and power of the country pass 
into other hands, without the smallest probability of 
their return to themselves, unless they be content to 
abandon all their high notions of family distinction ; 
these men have become desperate ; and if I am to 
judge from their proceedings, would plunge their 
country into a civil war, rather than }'ield quiet 
obedience to that very government, which they had 
been so long in the practice of censuring others for 
not sufficiently admiring. But, my lord, though 
there is a majority of voices in Massachusetts o?t 
OUR side; for on our side they really 
ARE, there is a thumping minority on the other 
side : and what is of great importance in the esti- 
mate, that minority consists of the nerves, the 
bones, and sinews of the population of the state ; 



{ 16 ) 

SO that the sum total of our ground of reliaiicCj as 
to a separation of the states, is the good will of the 
most numerous but most feeble and inefficient part 
of the people of the state of Massachusetts ; and 
even these, I am fully persuaded, are, by this day, 
awed into silence by the determined attitude of the 
rest, of the country. 

The same charges, which our vile newspapers 
have been preferring against Mr. Madison, have 
been preferred against him by their serene high- 
7iesses of Massachusetts. They have accused him 
of a devotion to Franee ; they have, in our newspa- 
per style, called him the " tool of Napoleon ;" they 
too have dared to assert, that he, made v/ar upon 
us, without the slightest prdvocation, for the pur- 
pose of aiding Napoleon in destroying England, 
'' the hiihvark of their religion.''^ They have held 
public feasts and rejoicings at the entrance of the 
Cossacks into France, and at the restoration of the 
ancient order of things. You will bear in mind, 
that these people are staunch Presbyterians ; and it 
■would amuse your lordship to read the orations, 
preachings^ and prayers of these people ; to witness 
their gratitude to Heaven for restoring the Pope, 
whom they used to call the scarlet whore, the whore 
of Babylon ; for the re-establishment of the Jesuits ; 
and for the re- opening of the dungeons, the re^ 
sharpening of the hooks, and the re -kindling of the 
flames of the inquisition, — Their opponents, the re- 
publicans, say, we never were the friends of Napo- 
leon, as a despot, nor even as an emperor; we ne- 
ver approved of any of his acts of oppression, either 
in France or out of France ; we always complained 
of his acts of injustice towards ourselves ; but he 
was less hurtful to our country than other powers ; 
and J as to mankind in general, though we regretted 



^ 



( 1^ ) 

to see him with so much power, we feared that that 
power would be succeeded by something worse ; 
and we cannot now rejoice, that the pope is restor- 
ed, that the Jesuits are re-estabHshed, the inquisition 
re-invigorated ; that monkery is again overspread- 
ing the face of Europe ; and that the very hope of 
freedom there seems to be about to be extinguish- 
ed for ever. And this, your lordship may be assu 
red, is the language of nineteen-twentieths of the 
people of America. 

There are, it is to be observed, federalists in alt 
the states, which you will easily believe, when you 
consider how natural it is for men, or at least, how- 
prone men are, to wish to erect themselves into su- 
perior classes. As soon as a man has got a great 
deal of money, he aims at something beyond that. 
He thirsts for distinctions and tides. His next ob- 
ject is to hand them down to his family. It will 
require great watchfulness and great resolution in 
the Americans to defeat this propensity. You have 
not leisure for it, or it would amuse you to trace 
the workings of this would-he nobility in America. 
They are very shame-faced about it; but they let it 
peep out through the crannies of their hypocrisy,--- 
Being defeated, and totally put to the rout in the 
open field by the general good sense of the people, 
they have resorted to the most contemptible devi- 
ces for effecting, by degrees, that which they were 
unable to carry at a push. They have established 
what they call ''Benevolent Societies,'^' to which 
they have prefixed, by way of epithet, or character- 
istic, the name of Washington. The professed ob- 
ject of these societies, who have their periodical 
orations, preachings, prayings, and toastings, was 
to afford relief to any persons who might be in dis- 
tress, — The HEAL OBJECT appears to have been 

B 2 



( i8 ) 

to enlist idlers and needy persons under their political 
banners. These little coteries of hypocrites appear to 
have assembled, as it were, by an unanimous senti- 
ment, or, rather by instinct, to celebrate the fall of 
Napoleon, and the restoration of the pope, the Jesuits, 
and the inquisition. But unfortunately for this af- 
filiation of hypocrites, they have little or no mate- 
rials to work upon in America, where a man caft 
earn a week's subsistence in less time than he can 
go to apply for and obtain it without work ; and, 
accordingly, the affiliation seems destined to share 
the fate of the serene highnesses propositions of 25 
years ago. 

The fall of Napoleon, so far from weakening, will 
tend to strengthen the general government, in the 
hands of the republicans. It has deprived its ene- 
mies of the grand topic of censure ; the main ground 
of attack. The *' Cossacks y'*'' as they are now some- 
times called, of Massachusetts, can no longer charge 
the president with being the " tool of Napoleon''^ — 
they no longer stand in need of England as " the 
bulwark of religion y'^'' seeing that they have the pope, 
the Jesuits, the Benedictines, the Franciscans, the 
Carthusians, the Dominicans, and above all, the in- 
^uisitiony to supply her place in the performance of 
that godly office. They will no longer, they can no 
longer, reproach the president for his attachment to 
France ; for France has now a king^ a legitimate 
sovereign^ who regularly hears mass. They are 
now, therefore, put in this dilemma ; they must de- 
clare openly for England against their country, or, 
by petty cavilling, must make their opposition con- 
temptible. The former they dare not do ; and, 
they are too full of spite not to do the latter. So 
that their doom, I imagine, is sealed ; and their fall 
n?ill not be much less complete than that of Napo- 



( 19 ) 

icon himself, with this great difference, however, 
that his name and the fame of his deeds will des- 
cend to the latest posterity, while their projects of 
ennobling themselves at the expense of their coun- 
try's freedom and happiness, will be forgotten and 
forgiven before one half of them are eaten by 
worms. 

This is my view of the matter. Your lordship 
will probably think it erroneous ; but, if it prove 
correct, how long and how bitterly shall we have to 
deplore the existence of this bloody contest. 

I am, &c. Wm. COBBETT. 

[Letter II. has not yet come to hand] 



LETTER III. 

TO THE EARL OF LIVERPOOL, ON THE AMERICAN WAR, 

My Lord — In the American newspapers I have 
seen an article entitled " British botheration,'^^ in 
which article are noticed in a most ludicrous, but 
most provoking manner, all the wise observations 
made in England as to the cause of our ships being 
beaten by those of America. — At the close of the 
article, the writer states what he regards as the real 
cause, but which statement I will, for my health's 
sake, refrain from repeating to your lordship. But 
if this saucy republican gave the title of botheration 
to our former puzzlings upon this head, what will 
he say now, when the question is become ten thou- 
sand times more embroiled than ever? The speech- 
es attributed to the opposition^ upon this subject, pre- 
sent matter worthy of public observation. Mr. Hor- 
ner lays the blame of the failure on the Lakes Erie 
and Champlain ; he attributes those memorable vic- 
tories of the Americans, to the ininistry. He com- 
plains that you and your colleagues left our naval 
commanders to contend with a vast superiority of 
force* The American official account in both ca- 
ses, makes the superiority of the force on our side ; 
and, as to Lake Champlain, sir George Prevost 
himself gives us a superiority of seven guns. I am, 
for my part, at a loss to discover the policy of as- 
cribing every disgrace to the ministersj and every 



( 21 ) 

success to the commanders. Of its flagrant injus- 
tice there can be no doubt ; and, it appears to me, 
that its folly is not much more questionable. Wel- 
lington was made a duke for his success ; but, ac- 
cording to the present way of thinking, or of talking, 
the secretary of the war department should have 
been made a duke, and Wellington remained what 
he was ; and the lords of the admiralty should have 
had all the ribbons, stars, and titles that have been 
bestowed on naval commanders. If to the com- 
manders belong the praises of victories : to them 
also belong upon the face of the matter, the blame 
of defeat. 

Much reliance appears to be placed by the oppo- 
sition, on the circumstance of captain Barclay hav- 
ing been honourably acquitted by a court martial. 
For, say they, if he was provided with a force equal 
to that of the Americans, he must have been guilty ; 
and if he was not, the ministers are to blame. They 
take the sentence of the court martial, therefore, as 
a proof of the guilt of the ministers. But is it not 
very evident that this conclusion is false ? Captain 
Barclay might be as brave a man as ever existed : 
he might have acted with wisdom equal to his bra- 
very ; he might have had a superiority of guns and 
men ; he might have been defeated ; yet he might 
be perfectly free from any blame, and might, on the 
contrary, merit honours and rewards, still the admi- 
ralty might deserve no censure whatever. The 
Americans might have abler seamen ; they might, 
from their superior bodily strength and agility, be 
able to fire quicker than we ; they might fight with 
an unheard degree of resolution and eagerness ; 
they might be animated by feelings unknown to the 
bosoms of their adversaries. What ! is it to be- 
come a maxim, that whenever one of our comman- 



( 2^ ) 

ders is defeated, there must be a cn;;26> either in him 
or in the ministry ? Must he be punished or they 
condemned ? Must he be their accuser, or they be 
his accusers? This would soon introduce a very 
amicable sort of connection between the comman- 
ders and the ministry. The truth is, my lord, that 
there is a degree of mortification and of shame at- 
tached to these naval victories of the Americans, 
that drives men, and particularly naval men, who 
have all the mass of the people with them, to all 
sorts of follies and inconsistencies. They do not 
know what to say or to do, in order to get rid of 
this insupportable mortification. Sometimes John- 
ny Bull says to Jonathan, ** you have got some Eng- 
lish sailors in your ships" — " May be so," says Jo- 
nathan, " but you have got all English sailors in 
your ships" — *' Aye," replies John, ^' but you have 
got the best of our sailors," " may be so," says Jo- 
nathan, " but then how comes the best of your sai- 
lors to desert from your service to come into mine?" 
** No, no!" rejoins John hastily, " 1 don't mean the 
best men ; I mean they fight more desperately than 
those we have on board, because the rascals know 
that if they are taken they will be hanged^'' — " Oh 
fie ! Johnny," rejoins Jonathan, " do you think that 
Englishmen will fight better from a dread of the 
gallows, than from a love of their king and glorious 
constitution ?" '' No," says John, *' I said no such 
thing. You have got heavier shot, and stronger 
powder, and more gu7js, and more men^ — " Indeed 
Johnny," says Jonathan, *' why I am sure yon pay 
enough for your ships, shot, guns, men, and pow- 
der. Your navy and ordnance, last year, cost you 
twenty-five millions sterling, which is more than 
twenty times as much as ours is to cost us ?iext 
year^ though we are building fleets and forming 



( 23 ) 

dock-yards, besides defending, lakes and all, three 
thousand miles of sea coast." — ** Well," says John, 
ready to burst with anger, '' what is that to you, 
what I pay ? I will pay it, if I like to pay it" — 
*' Oh dear!*' ,says Jonathan, " don't be angry old 
friend, I have not the least objection to your pay- 
ing : only, I hope I shall not hear any more about 
the property tax^^ — " You are a saucy scoundrel," 
says John, foaming with rage ; " you deserve a 
good drubbing, you Yankee dog, and you will get 
it yet — and, at any rate, if I pay taxes, I'll make 
you pay taxes too. If I am miserable myself, I'll 
make you unhappy, if I can." 

It is to this mortification my lord, that you have 
to ascribe the attacks of the newspapers on the na- 
val administration, which really appears to me to 
have done rnore in Canada than could have been 
expected at their hands. You see that the opposition 
here are supported by the country, who will blame 
you, blame sir George Prevost, blame our powder, 
shot, ship, gun-locks ; blame any person or thing ; 
blame and execrate all the world, rather than acknow- 
ledge that the republicans are, gun to gun and man 
to man, our masters upon the sea. Far be it from me 
to censure a reluctance to come to such an acknow- 
ledgment. The reluctance arises from a love of 
one of the best professions of one's country, name- 
ly, its fame in deeds of arms. — But, then, it is ma- 
nifest, that this patriotic feeling, if not subjected to 
reason and enlightened views, may be productive 
of great injustice towards commanders, or ministers, 
or both ; and may expose the nation to great and 
lasting misery. The opposition are feeding this 
feeling — -They ascribe every failure to you and 
your colleagues ; and they studiously keep out of 
sight the real cause of those flulures — They justify 



( 24 ) 

the war on our part ; they fan the flame j they ex- 
cite false hopes of future success ; thc}^ say to the 
people, we have failed hitherto from the fault of the 
ministry ; and thereby, they cause it to be believed, 
that better may be done for the future, without any 
radical change in our political and naval systems ; 
and, in doing so, they do, in my opinion, as great 
an injury as they can possibly do the country. 

Next to the ministry comes sir George Prevost. 
Mr. Horner did not know which was to blame, the 
ministry or the colonial governor. — The fleet had 
been beat and captured, and Mr. Horner was sure 
that it must have been owing to something other 
than the fleet itself, or at least its commrnders. It 
never could be their fault. Men who fought two 
hours and twenty minutes within a few yards of the 
mouths of the opposing cannon, and whose vessels 
had not a mast or any thing standing to which a sail 
could be fastened. Such men could not be m fault. 
They fought most bravely. They were overpow- 
ered. They lost their fleet, but ungrateful is the 
country, and base the man, who insinuates that they 
ought to have done more. They could do no 
more. If they had continued to fight, they must 
have been all blown to pieces, without the power 
of resistance. No : it was not the fault of the offi- 
cers of our fleet ; it was the fault of the Yankees^ 
for being so strong in body, so agile, so dexterous, 
and so determined. Mr Horner should have made 
a motion against them. Suppose he were, next 
time, to make a motion for prosecuting them ? If 
we could get at them in that way, it would soon be- 
numb their fiicuhies. " Aye," say^the people about 
Portsmouth and Gosport, '* it is time an inquiry 
was made ! it is a shame that sir George Prtvost is 
not brought home and punished^ I assure your 



( 25 ) 

lordship that this is their language ; and they will 
be quite outrageous when they find that he is not 
to be punished ; but, on the contrary, is to remain 
where he is. There is no one hereabouts who does 
not think that sir James Yeo's letter to the lords of 
the admiralty is 2^ finisher for sir George. 

To such a pitch of folly has the nation been push- 
ed by their notions of the invincibility of the navy, 
that a captain in that service is looked upon as the 
absolute arbiter of the fate of a lieutenant general oi 
the army, and the governor of a province^ under 
whose command he is sei'ving. Sensible men were 
disgusted at the arrogance of sir James Yeo's letter ; 
but it was well suited to the capacities and tastes 
of those who sing, or listen to Dibdin's nauseous 
trash about the fleet and sailors. Upon the heads 
of those who demand these inquiries and exposures^ 
be the consequences. These consequences will be 
clear proof, that our naval officers had a sufficiency 
of force upon both the occasions alluded' to, and 
that they were to blame, if any body was, for their 
defeats. Sir George Prevost will never suffer him- 
self to be regarded as the cause of these calamities 
and disgraces ; and I am very sure that the minis- 
try, having the power, will not neglect the means of 
justifying themselves. So that ail this stir will on- 
ly tend to make the mortification of the navy great- 
er than it now is ; the prejudices of the nation will 
only receive the greater shock ; and the world will 
only have completer proof of those very facts which 
we are so anxious to di^^uise or disfigure. It was 
observed during die debate that though our ships 
of war w^ere quite sufficiently provided with the 
means of *' combatting an ordinary foe, they ought 
to have been fitted out in an extraordinary way to 
combat such a foe as the Americaiis /'' But sup- 
- c 



( 26 ) 

pose t!ie admiralty not to have fitted them out in 
this extraordinary way ? Were they to blame for 
that ? Was there a man in the country who did 
not despise the American navy ? Was there a pub- 
lic writer besides myself, who did not doom that 
navy to destruction in a month ? Did not all par- 
ties exceedingly relish the description given in a 
very august assembly, of '*half a dozen o^ fir fri- 
gates, with bits of striped bunting at their mast- 
heads?" Did not the Guerriere sail up and down 
the American coast, with her name written on her 
flag, challenging those fir frigates ? Did not the 
whole nation, with one voice, exclaim at the affair 
of the Little Belt — " Only let Rodgerseome with- 
in reach of one of oiu\ frigates .^" 

If, then, such was the opinion of the whole na- 
tion, of all men of all parties ; with what justice is 
the board of admiralty blamed for not thinking 
otherwise ; for not sending out the means of com- 
batting an extraordinar'y sort of foe ; for not issu- 
ing a privilege to our frigates to run away from one 
of those fir built things with a bit of striped bunting 
at its mast head? It has always been the misfor- 
tune of England that her rulers and her people have 
spoken and have thought contemptuously of the 
Americans. Your lordship and I were boys, and 
indeed not born, or at least I was not, when our 
king first was involved in a quarrel with the Ame- 
ricans — but almost as long as I can remember any 
thing, I can remember that this contempt was ex- 
pressed in the songs and sayings of the clodhop- 
pers amongst whom I was born and bred ; in doing 
which we conducted, down to the earth that we 
delved, the sentiments of the squires and lords. — 
The result of the former war, while it enlightened 
nobody, added to the vindictiveness of hundreds of 



( 2r ) 

thousands; so that we have entered into this war 
with all our old stock of contempt c\n^ a vastly in- 
creased stock of rancour. To think that the Ame- 
rican republic is to be 2^ great pcyiver is insupporta- 
ble. Some men, in order to keep her down, in 
their language, and at the same time, not to use 
harsh expressions, observe that she is only another 
part of ourselves. They wish her to be thought, if 
not dependent upon us, still to be a sort of younger 
child of our family, coming in after Ireland^ Jamai- 
ca, &c. 

I met a worthy Scots gentleman, a month or two 
ago, who wished tb.at some man of ability would 
propose a sclieme that he had, and without which, 
he said, xve xvould never have peace again, '* Well 
sir (said I) and pray what is your scheme ?" "Why 
(said he) it is very simple — It is to form an Union 
with the American states." It was raining, and I 
v/anted to g:et on ; so that I had not time to ascer- 
tain what sort of union he meant. This gentleman, 
however, was remarkably moderate in his views. 
The far greater part of the nation expect absolute 
colonial submission ; and if our fleets and armies 
should not finally succeed in bringing a property 
tax from America into his majesty's exchequer, the 
far greater part of the people will be most grievously 
disappointed. So that this contempt of the Yan- 
kees has given your lordship and your colleagues a 
good deal to do in order to satisfy the hopes and ex- 
pectations which have been excited, and which, I 
assure you, are confidently entertained. Of the ef- 
fect of this contempt I know nobody, however, who 
have so much reason to repent as the officers of his 
majesty's navy. If they had triumphed, it w^ould 
only have been over half a dozen of fir frigates, with 
bits of bunting at their mast heads. They were 
sure to gain no reputation in the contest ; and if 



( 28 ) 

they were defeated, what was their lot ? The worst 
of it is, they themselves did, in some measure, con- 
tribute to their own ill fate : for of all men living, 
none spoke of " poor Jonathan" with so much con- 
tempt. To read thtir letters, or the letters which 
our newspaper people pretend to have received from 
them at the onset of the war, one would have 
thought that they would hardly have condescended 
to return a shot from a bunting ship. And now to 
see that bit of bunting Jiying so often over the J^ri- 
tishfag I Oh ! it is stinging beyond expression. 
The people in the country cannot think how it is. — 
There are some people who are for taking the Ame- 
rican commodores at their word, ascribing their vic- 
tories to the immedicite intervention of Providence. 
Both Perry and M'Donough begin their despatches 
by saying — " Almighty God has given us a victo- 
ry," Some of their clergy upon this ground alone, 
call them Christian heroes, and compare them to 
Joshua, who, by the bye, was a Jew. I observe 
that when any of them get beaten, they say nothing 
about supernatural agency ; yet there is still a vic- 
tory on one side or the other ; and if they ascribe 
their victories to such agency, why not ascribe our 
victories, and, of course their own defeats, to this 
same overruling cause? If Mr. Madison had told 
the congress that " Almighty God had been plea- 
sed to enable the enemy to burn their capital," how 
they would have stared at him ! Yet, surely, he 
might have said that with as much reason as com- 
modore M*Donough ascribed his victory to such 
interposition. If commodore Perry, who captured 
our fleet on Lake Erie, had been met at New York 
with looks of perfect indiftbrence, instead of being 
feasted and toasted as he was, and had been told that 
the cause of this, was, that he had gained no victo- 
ry, even according to his own official account — how 



t 29 ) 

silly he would have looked ! And yet he could have 
no reason to complain. 

I perceive also many other instances of this aping 
propensity in the Americans. It is the " honour- 
able William Jones, secretary of the navy ;" the 
'* honourable the mayor of New- York ;" '■'• his hon- 
our the chief justice;*" and even the members of 
congress call one another " honourable ^Qwii^mf^n^'' 
and their " honourable friends." — 1 was not till of 
late aware, that this sickly taste was become so pre- 
valent in America. This is indeed contemptible 

and England will have, in a few years, a much bet- 
ter ground of reliance for success, in this change of 
national character in America, than in the force of 
our arms. When once the hankering after titles 
becomes general in that country ; when once rich- 
es will have produced that effect, the country will 
become an easy prey to an old, compact, and easily 
wielded government like ours. When men find 
that they cannot obtain titles under the form of go- 
vernment now existing, they will as soon as they 
have the opportunity, sell the country itself to any 
sovereign, who will gratify their base ambition. 
This is i\\t_slow poison that is at work on the Ame- 
rican constitution. It will proceed, unless speedily 
checked, to the utter destruction of that which it has 
assailed. Our best way is to make peace with them 
now, and leave this poison to work. By the time 
they get to '' right honourable,'' we shaft be ready 
to receive their allegiance. Wlien the bit of bunting 
comes to be exchanged for some sort of armorial 
thing, the fellows who now '' fight like blood-thirs- 
ty savages," as our papers say, will become as tame 
and as timid as sheep. 

[Letter IV. has not yet come to hand." 
c 2 



LETTER V. 

TO THE EARL OF LIVERPOOL, ON THE AMERICAN WAR, 

My Lord — The nation begin to suspect, at last, 
that this American war may prove an unfortunate 
thing. If your lordsliip recollects, I taunted John- 
ny Bull, flouted him and gibed, when, at the out- 
set of this war, he crowed and cock-cock-caw'd, at 
the idea of giving the Yankees a good drubbing. — 
If your lordship recollects that I flouted wise John, 
and told him, that, at any rate, I hoped, if he was 
resolved to enjoy this sport, he would never let me 
hear him say a word about the property/ tax^ or, 
what he vulgarly calls the income tax, I knew, 
from the beginning, that I should see him galled 
here. I knew that I should have him upon his hip : 
and here I have him, for he is now crying out 
against the tax^ as loud as a pig under the knife of 
a butcher, though he, at the same time, seems to 
have no objection to the work of slaughtering go- 
ing on. In short, so that he is safe himself, and 
pays nothing, his delight is in seeing the war deso- 
late the rest of the world. But he does not like to 
pay. Rather than pay, he would give the world a 
chance of being at peace, and of ceasing to bleed. 

That so amiable a personage should meet with 
any rubs or crosses in life must, of course, be mat- 
ter of regret with his friends, and must remind them 
of the maxim, that, as virtue alone is not, in all 



( SI ) 

cases, sufficient to inspire happiness in this world, 
the virtuous afflicted ought chiefly to rely on the 
world to come. This sort of reHance is very suit- 
able to Johnny, at this time ; for he has not given 
the Yankees a drubbing ; and yet the income tax 
sticks to him like bird lime. The Times newspa- 
per cheers him, indeed, by telling him, that he is 
causi?ig the Yankees to pay taxes ; that, though he 
so sorely feels himself, he does not suffer in vain ; 
for that he is -makifig others suffer too. To be 
sure, this is a consoling reflection ; but still it is 
not quite sufficient to reconcile him to the contin- 
uation of the income tax, seeing that, when called 
on for the money, he sometimes forgets the delight 
of seeing others suffer, which he has enjoyed for his 
money. 

But now, my lord, leaving wise Johnny, amiable 
and honest Johnny, to his taxes and his hopes of 
giving the Yankees a drubbing, permit me to re- 
mind your lordship, briefly, of the origin of this 
war ; for, if I have life to the end of it, this origin 
shall not be forgotten. It is necessary, at every 
stage, to keep it steadily in view : for, unless we do 
this, we shall be wholly '' bothered'' out of it at last, 
as we were in the case of the French war. 

The war against France was a war against priji- 
ciples at first ; it then became a war of conquest ; 
and it ended in being a war for deliverance. We 
set out with accusing our enemy with being dan- 
gerous, as disorganizers of ancient governments ; 
and we ended with accusing them of being danger- 
ous, as despots. The French were too free for us 
at the beginning, and too much enslaved for us at 
the end ; and it was so contrived as to make more 
than half the world believe that the Cossacks were 
the great champions of civil and political liberty. 



( 32 ) 

So, that, when we came to the close, leaving the 
French nearly as we found them, not seeing tythes, 
monks, game-laws, gabelles, corvess, bastiles, seig- 
neurial courts re-established, we had spent more 
than a thousand millions oj" pounds in a war, of the, 
first object of which we had wholly lost sight. We 
will not have it thus, my lord, with regard to the 
American war. We will not suffer its first object 
to be lost sight of. Nobody, as to this point, shall 
be able to " bother^'* any historian who is disposed 
to speak the truth. 

The war with America arose thus-^We were at 
war with France, America was neutral. We not 
only exercised our known right of stopping \me- 
rican merchant ships at sea, to search them for 
enemy'' s goods, for troops in the enemy'' s service, and 
for goods contraband of war, which species of 
search, and of seizure in case of detection, Mr. 
Madison did not oppose either by word or deed. 
This is a maritime right, sometimes disputed by 
Russia, Holland, Deimiark, and Sweden ; but never 
given up by us, except for a while, at a time of 
great danger. This right was never disputed by 
Mr. Madison during the French war. The exercise 
of it he submitted to without compliiint. This was 
our '' right of search ;" and this right was enjoyed 
by us, without any complaint on his part ; and this 
is the right which many people think he opposed, 
and upon that ground they have approved the war. 

But the war had nothing to do with this right, 
any more than it had to do with our right of bring- 
ing coals from Newcastle to London. The war 
was declared by Mr. Madison against us, because 
we stopped American merchant ships upon the 
high seas, and impressed people out of them. We 
said, tliat we did this in order to recover &ur own 



( 23 ) 

seamen, who were frequently found serving in these 
American ships ; but it was notorious, the fact was 
never denied, and never can be denied, that we im- 
pressed thus, great numbers of native Americans^ 
forced them on board of our ships of war, and cotn- 
pelled them to submit to our discipline, and to risk 
their lives in fighting for us. These are facts which 
can never be denied. Mr. Madison, for 3^ears, cal- 
led upon us to cease this practice. We did not 
cease. He repeatedly threatened war if we perse- 
vered. We did persevere ; and, after years of re- 
monstrance, he, or rather the two houses of con- 
gress, the real representatives of the people of Ame- 
rica, declared war against us. 

Here then, is the cause of the war ; the sole cause 
of the war ; war, long threatened, and, at last, frank- 
ly declared, previous to any hostile act or move- 
ment on the part of Mr. Madison, or rather the con- 
gress. For, my lord, though Johnny Bull, though 
wise Johnny, whose generosity w^ouid put all other 
nations into his own happy state ; though wise and 
generous John talks about Mr. Madison's hostil- 
ity, it is, in fact, the hostility of the congress ; that 
is to say, the hostility of the people : because the 
congress are the real and not the sham representa- 
tives of the people ; and because the congress, who 
declared, and who now support the war, have been 
chosen during the war, and just before it. The mem- 
bers of the congress do not purchase their seats ; no 
seats can be bought or sold ; none of the members 
can get any thing for themselves or families for their 
votes. So that when they decide, it is, in reality, 
a majority of the people who decide ; and, the peo- 
ple did decide, that they would resist, hy force of 
arms^ the impressment of their seamen. 



( 34 ) 

The people here generally believe what the infa- 
mous print, the Tfwd'^ newspaper tell them, that the 
people of America never complained of such im- 
pressments ; but the truth is, that long before, ijears 
before, the war was declared, complaints, and most 
bitter complaints, had rung through the country, 
against these impressments. Letters from the im- 
pressed persons were published without end. Affi- 
davits proving the fact. Representations enough to 
make a nation mad with resentment ; enough to 
drive even quakers to arms. None of these have 
our newspapers ever copied. None of these have 
they ever made known to their readers. They have 
published the harangues of Goodloe Harper, H. G. 
Otis, poor Timothy Pickering, and other would-be 
noblesse. They have given us every thing from 
the free press of America, at all calculated to cause 
it to be believed, that the war is unpopular there ; 
but not a word on the other side ; not a word to let 
us see what were the real sentiments of the majori- 
ty of the republic. I will now lay before your 
lordship some of the complaints of the impressed 
Americans, as published in the American newspa- 
pers ; for, I am convinced, that even you are not 
acquainted fully of the nature and tone of those 
complaints, and, at any rate, the publications 
should, if possible, be rebutted on our part, see- 
ing, that they must produce such a hatred of us in 
the minds of the people of America, as will, if not 
by some means mollified, lead to a never ceasing 
hostility. Your lordship will perceive, that these 
statements are sent forth with all the forms of judi- 
cial acts ; that they consist of statements made on 
oath ; that these statements are certified by legal 
magistrates, whose names are affixed to them ; and 
that, of course, they are calculated to have great 



• ( 35 ) 

weight with the public. It is not a bad way t<!» 
make the case our own ; to suppose such com- 
plaints made in our papers against America, or any 
other nation ; and, then, to judge of the effect that 
those complaints would make on the people of 
England, recollecting that the Americans are not 
base and cowardly more than we are. 

[Here followed several depositions, copied from the 
newspapers, of impressed American seamen.] 

Now, my lord, I do not say that these statements 
are true. In spite of all the particular detail of 
names, dates and places ; in spite of oaths and cer- 
tificates, they may be false ; but as it is to such 
statements that we owe this unfortunate war, we 
surely ought to endeavour to prove, that some, at 
least, of these statements are false. The republi- 
can newspapers teem, and teemed long before the 
war, with publications of this sort. The blood of 
America was set boiling with such publications. — 
The vote of congress for the war was the most 
popular vote ever given by that body. It is, there- 
fore, of vast importance that these publications 
should be counteracted if possible. They are ei- 
ther true or false ; if the latter, as 1 would fain 
hope, thty can be easily refuted ; if true, which it 
would be shocking to believe, certainly we ought 
to be very ready and for\\**".rd to make atonement to 
the Americans for what they have suffered. 

These statements have, too, produced another 
most serious effect. They have filled the crews of 
the American ships with implacable revenge. To 
the usual motives of patriotism and glory, they have 
added the still more powerful motive of vengeance. 
Against crews, thus animated, men under the influ- 
ence of the mere ordinary motive to bravery really 
cannot be expected to succeed without a great su- 



♦ 36 ) 

periorky of force. I leave your lordship to suppose 
what would be the effect of statements like these, if 
the case were ours. If we were at peace with all 
the world and were carryine on our commerce 
agreeably to the laws of neutrality, while tlie Ame- 
ricans were at war wdth some other power ; and if 
the Americans w^ere to impress Englishmen from 
on board English ships, bringing up coals from 
Newcastle to London, were to force them into their 
ships of war, compel them to fight for America ; 
and, in short, to occasion, in the English papers, 
statements such as I have above quoted. If this 
were the case, does your lordship think, that -we 
should be very quiet? And if such statements 
would be likely to set us in a flame, are we to sup- 
pose, that they have had no effect on the Ameri- 
cans ? 

Here, my lord, as you well know, we have the 
real cause of that war, which, it is said, is now to 
engage a hundred thousand men^ two hundred ships 
of war, and w^hich cannot cost less than twenty 
millions a year. It has been asserted, that the con- 
gress declared war against us to assist Napoleon on 
the continent. This is so foolish that the writers 
must think that they are addressing it to men little 
superior to brutes. It was impossible that the 
Americans could know ^^»i^ere Napoleon was, w^hen 
they declared war. It was impossible that their 
war should really aid him in his designs against 
Russia. It was against their interest that Russia 
should be crushed by any power, and especially by 
France. The other charge, that America, *' like an 
assassin, attacked us in the dark^^^ is equally false 
and foolish How could an open declaration of 
war, by a legislative assembly, after repeated dis- 
cussioHy be an act deserving such a description ? 



( 37 ) 

How could that be called an attack in the dark, es- 
pecially when it had been threatened for years, and 
when it was followed immediately by an offer for a 
trtice^ in order again to negotiate for peace ? 

Here we have the real origin of the war. Ter- 
minate as it will, this was its origin. This origin 
must not be forgotten, whatever efforts are made to 
put it out of our heads. When the war shall have 
ended, and we shall sit down to count the cost, this 
origin must be kept steadily before us. 

The Times ^ndi CownVr are still labouring to per- 
suade us, that there will be a separation of the Ame- 
rican states ; that the four New England states will 
declare themselves independent of the general gov- 
ernment^ and will form an alliance with Old Eng- 
land, Now, my lord, mind, I pledge myself, that^ 
if any such proposition be seriously made by the 
friends of the famous capt. Henry, by the ivould- 
be jYoblcsse of Massachusetts, they would very 
quickly be decorated, not with coats of arms, but 
with coats of tar and feathers. The people of New 
England are " essentially republican." They have 
been, or, at least, a part of them, stimulated by very 
cunning men, to a violent opposition against Mr. 
Madison and the war. But only let them see the 
r<?{z/ objects of the Pickerings, the Otises, the Quin- 
cys, &c. and the fall of these men is as certain as 
the return of spring after winter. It is not by a large 
majority that even the New England states oppose 
the war. It is barely *' touch a?id go^^ with the op- 
position, even there. What man in his senses, then 
can place a n»oment's reliance on it ? And, indeed, 
the only purpose that it is likely to answer, is that of 
deceiving us^ and inducing us to leave the New 
England seaports safe places for the building of ships 
of war, and theftting out of privateers, '^Iht leaving 

D 



( 38 ) 

of that part of the union unmolested, while we at- 
tack the southern states, is just what suits Ameri- 
ca. She has, in New-England, unmolested ports 
and harbours, out of which to send forth ships of 
war to annoy our trade and engage our navy, and 
into which to carry her rich prizes. The Picker- 
ings, the Otises, &:c. I really believe * * * * 

Al^ ik. 1^ ^ SLi. SiL Ak. ^ SLl Sk. ^ ^ ^ 

Vjs ^tT ^T 7f\ vfZ T^ ^^ v^ 7^ *^ y^ /^ 7^ 

■Jjs" TfC" Tfv •71^ 7^ TJT 

But, hang them I my lord, they are not worth 
your notice. They talk big^ and hold themselves 
out as of great consequence ; but they are poor 
things. Indeed, my lord, they are. Timothy 
Pickering used to be thought a very honest man ; but, 
after he was out of office, he seems to have aban- 
doned himself to the revenge, which his disap- 
pointment created. He had not the virtue to follow 
the example of his venerable employer, Mr. Adams, 
who, upon being out-voted as President, by Mr. 
Jefferson, said, *' I only wished to obtain a majority 
of voices, that I might serve my country, and now 
I shall endeavour to serve it by supporting him who 
has that majority." Timothy Pickering, who had 
been, to the astonishment of all the world, his secre- 
tarij of state ^ who was no more fit for the office, 
than your coachman would be fit for yours, and 
who, of course, was inordinately proud of his sud- 
den and unexpected elevation, became furious at the 
election of Mr. Jefferson, and has been ever since in 
a sort of mad fit, doing a hundred things, for either 
of which, in England, he would be sent to jail for 
a year or two at least. The truth is that Mr. Adams 
had the public good solely in view, and that Timo- 
thy had an eye solely to his private interest, — 
Hence the exactly opposite conduct of the two men, 



( 39 ) 

when the voice of the country put them both out of 
power. I am sure that your lordship and your col- 
leagues, especially your distinguished colleague now 
at Vienna, would scorn to purchase traitors in any 
country ; but if you were so disposed, if such men 
as the famous captain Henry could possibly pre- 
vail on you to lay out any of our money, in this 
way, on the other side of the Atlantic, such men, 
though so much applauded in the Times newspaper, 
would not be worth your purchasing. 

This is the sort of stuff; this is the rubbish, which 
the Times would have us rely upon^ for success 
against the republic ! I beseech your lordship to 
consider it as it is, the grossest deception that ever 
was attempted to be palmed upon mankind. Mr. 
Madison cannot silence these men. He has no sops. 
He has none of that potent drug, of the possession 
of which, Smollet tells us, sir Robert Walpole 
used to boast. They will, therefore, keep on bark- 
ing ; but, my lord, be assured, that they are wholly 
unable to bite. 

1 am, &c. 

Wm. cobbett. 



LETTER VI. 

JO Tin: EARL OF LIVERPOOL, ON THE AMERICAN WAR 

My Lok d — It has all along been my wish to see 
England at peace with America. — My reasons for 
this I have often explained ; and the mode I have 
pursued has been this : to endeavour to prove, that 
the grounds of hope of success, held out to us by 
such writers as the Walters, are fallacious. The 
division of the states^ the impeachment of Mr, Ma- 
dison^ the resistance of taxation^ and the. various 
other grounds of hope, I have endeavoured to show 
were hollow, as much as was the expectation of 
sweeping the ocean of the *' half a dozen of fir fri- 
gates, with bits of striped bunting at their mast 
heads." — The task of counteracting these delusive 
hopes has increased in arduousness with the pro- 
gress of the war. Beaten out of one hope, these 
vv Titers have resorted to others ; and, as was the case 
in the last American war, pride and shame and re- 
venge are mustered up to prolong a war which pol- 
icy has abandoned. 

There is now a new delusion on foot. Mr. Wal- 
ter, the proprietor of the Times newspaper, who 
(shocking to think of!) has been a principal actor in 
producing this calamitous war, is now endeavouring 
to persuade the public, that the president of Ameri- 
ca will be unable to raise the force voted bv con- 
grcss, to complete tlie regular miny of that great re- 



( 41 ) 

public to 100,000 men, by way of ballot, or what 
-Mr. Walter calls conscription. To be sure, 
this is a measure very well calculated to astound 
such a man as Mr. Walter, who knows nofliing at 
all about the people of America ; who receives all 
his information through the very worst of all possi- 
ble channels ; who appears to be extremely ignorant 
himself; who publishes purely for gain; who de- 
sires to flatter the follies and prejudices of his rea- 
ders ; and who, finding himself the gainer by being 
the avowed enemy of freedom, in every part of the 
world, has become, to say nothing of his breeding 
up, a mortal foe to the American government and 
people. Such a man, who had been led to suppose, 
that the defence ot a^country, like America, was in- 
consistent with freedom, naturally relied upon the 
overthrow of the government, the moment it at- 
tempted to raise an army to resist its invaders ; such 
a man would naturally be, as he has been, almost 
smothered in the foam of his own malignit}^ upon 
seeing a measure like this cooll}^ proposed by Mr. 
Monroe, (now secretary of war) attentively conside- 
red by a committee of congress, and smoothly pas- 
sing into a law, made, or to be made, by the real^^Ci\A 
not the sham representatives of a free people, elec- 
ted by that people only a few months before, and 
knowing that they are again to be elected or rejected 
by that same people a few months afterwards. This 
has astounded Mr. Waiter. It has, apparently, gi- 
ven his brain a shock too rude for its powers of re- 
sistance. It has upset all his calculations ; and he 
is now crying out for a rebellion in America as 
fiercely as he ever cried out for bullets, bayonets, 
halters, and gibbets for the rebels in Ireland ; but; 
never losing sight of his old object, namely, to de- 
lude this nation into the hope that the measure must 

D 2 



( 4^ ) 

^flid^ and that, therefore, we ought to continue the 
war. 

Despicable, therefore, as this writer may be ; con- 
temptible as is his stock of understanding ; mean 
and malignant as may be his motives, his efforts me- 
rit attention, and call upon us to counteract them 
without loss of time. In doing this, 1 must first 
take the best account I can find of this grajid mea- 
sure of the American government, to which has 
been given the name of conscription. The follow^ 
ing is the report of the bill as published by Mr. 

Walter himself. 

# 

[Here follows an analysis, of the bill as reported by the 
military committee, on Mr. Monroe's plan.] 

Such is the measure which Mr. Walter assures 
us cannot be carried into effect ; but says, that ij^it 
could be carried into effect, would deprive us of Ca- 
nada in less than a year, unless we sent out our 
" great national hero ;" and, indeed, that, under the 
bare possibility of such a measure's succeeding, 
** we ought to cast aside all European politics. "^^ 
What a change, my lord ! This foolish gentleman 
used to tell us that the Americans would be " re- 
diicedy'''* as the old phrase was, in '' afexv weeks' 
He has often exhausted all his powers of speech to 
convince his readers that this enemy was too despi- 
cable to be treated with in the same sort of way that 
we treat with other nations. There is no expres- 
sion of contempt contained in our copious language, 
which he did not use towards America and her pre- 
sident. And this same foolish Mr. Walter now 
tells us, that so great is this same America, that, in 
order to meet her with a chance of success, we 
ought *' to cast aside all European politics. ^^ 

I beg your lordship, now, to have the patience to 
read Mr. Walter's remarks, at full length, upon this 



\ 



( 43 ) 

measure of defence in America. The article is of 
consequence ; because, though coming from such 
a source, though proceeding from a son or sons of 
Old Walter, of regency memory, it is what will 
give the cue to almost all the rich people in the me- 
tropolis, and to not a few of those in the country. 
After inserting this article, I will endeavour to show 
its folly and its malice ; and, were the author any 
other than a Walter, I should not be afraid to pro- 
mise to make him hide his head for shame. 

" No certain or official account of the rupture of 
the negociations at Ghent has yet reached this coun- 
try. Private letters, it is true, have been received, 
stating that the American commissioner, Mr. A- 
dams, was about to set off for St. Petersburgh, and 
that Mr. Gallatin had proposed that a single indivi- 
dual on^each side should be left at Ghent to take 
advantage of any opening for renewing the negoci- 
ation ; but both these statements are at variance 
with those contained in other letters of the latest 
date from Ghent, received by the French mail of 
yesterday, according to which the diplomatic inter- 
course still continued. We repeat, that we do not 
think this the point to which the public attention 
ought to be directed. We should look not to the 
fallacious ternis of an artful negociation ; but to the 
infallible evidence of our enemy's mind and inten- 
tions displayed in his conduct. The bill for a con- 
scription of the whole American population is a 
measure that cannot be mistaken. While such a 
bill is in progress, and before it is known whether 
the people will submit to its being carried into ex- 
ecution, it would be madness to expect a peace. — 
It would be madness to expect a peace with per- 
sons who have made up their minds to propose so 
desperate a measure to their countrymen : for either 



( 44 ) 

they must succeed, and then the intoxication of 
their pride will render them utterly intractable^; or 
(which is, indeed, more probable) they must fail, 
and their failure must precipitate them from power, 
and consequently render treating with them impos- 
sible. When an American gentleman of splendid 
attainments^ some years since, composed his cele- 
brated review of the conscription code of that mon- 
ster Buonaparte, he could not possibly foresee that 
his own country would, in so short a time, be sub- 
ject to the same barbarous humiliation. The prime 
and flower of the American citizens are to be taken 
by lot ! and delivered over to the marshals, who are 
to deliver them over to the officers authorised to 
receive them, who are to act at the discretion and 
under the arbitrary direction of the President. Thus 
does Mr. Madison, from a simple republican ma- 
gistrate, suddenly start up a military despot of the 
most sanguinary character — a double of the blood 
thirsty wretch at Elba. We are convinced that 
this sudden and violent shock to all republican feel- 
ings^ to all the habits of the people in all parts of 
the union, cannot be made with impunity. Certain 
it is that this law cannot stand alone. To give it 
the least chance of being put in execution, it must 
be accompanied with all the other chapters of that 
bloody code by which France was disgraced, and 
barbarised, and demoralised. Who is to hunt 
down the refractory conscripts ? Who is to drag 
them, chained together in rows, to the head quar- 
ters of the military division? Who is to punish 
them, their parents, relations, and friends ? Even 
Buonaparte was many years in bringing to its dia- 
bolical perfection the machinery of his system ; and 
carefully as Mr. Monroe may have studied in that 
accursed school, it cannot be supposed that he has, 



( 45 ) 

at one flight, placed him self on a level with his great 
instructor. It is highly probable that many of the 
men who have laboured in the details of oppression 
and violence under the disturber of Europe, may 
have, by this time, made their way to America, 
where they will doubtless receive a cordial wel- 
come from Mr. Madison, and be set to work to ri- 
vet the collar on the necks of the American citizens ; 
but we own, that '' with all appliances and means 
to boot," the President, in our opinion, must fail. 
Nevertheless, it would be most danger )us to suffer 
such an opinion to produce the slightest relaxation 
in our efforts. The British government should act 
as if it saw Mr. Monroe at the head of his hundred 
thousand regulars, well disciplined, and equipped, 
carrying the war, as he distinctly threatens he will 
do, into the very heart of Canada. Late as it is, 
we must awake. Eight months ago the duke of 
Wellington, with his army, might have fallen like 
a thunderbolt upon the Washington cabinet, leav- 
ing them no time for conscriptions, no means of 
collecting French officers to discipline their troops, 
no opportunity fo intrigue for Iriendship and sup- 
port among the continental powers of Europe. It 
is not yet too late for striking a decisive blow ; but 
that blow must be struck with all our heart and 
with ail our strength. Let us but conceive the 
proposed hundred thousand regulars embodied in 
the course of the ensuing spring. Does any one 
believe that, without a mighty effort on our part, 
the Canadas could be retained another year ? — 
Would not the exultation of seeing himself at the 
head of such a force urge Mr. Madison, at all haz- 
ards, to complete his often-tried invasion ? Even 
if his scheme should but partially succeed, and 
he should be onlv able to dra^r on a defensive w ur 



( 46 ) 

for another twelve months, who knows what allies 
that period may stir up for him, under the false 
pretences of regard for neutral rights, and for the li- 
berty of the seas ? On our side, to conclude a 
peace at the present moment would be to confess 
ourselves intimidated by the warlike preparations of 
the enemy. It seems, therefore, that we have but 
one path to follow. Whatever was the force desti- 
ned to act against America before this daring 
BILL of Mr. Monroe was thought of, let that force 
instantly be doubled ; let us cast aside all European 
politics that cross this great and paramount object 
of our exertions. Let a general of commanding 
name be at once despatched to the seat^of war. We 
have often said, and we repeat it, that 'America is a 
scene on which the duke of Wellington's, talents 
might be displayed far more beneficially^ to his 
country, than they can possibly be in the courtly 
circles of the Thuilleries : but if his grace must ne- 
cessarily be confined to the dull round of diploma- 
tic business, at least let some ofiicer be sent, whom 
the general voice of the army may designate, as 
most like in skill and enterprize to our great na- 
tional hero. Fatal experience has shewn us, that 
no effort of such an enemy is to be overlooked. 
When the flag of the Guerriere was struck, we saw 
in it that disastrous omen which has shice been but 
too sadly verified on the ocean and the lakes. The 
triumphs of the American navy have inspired even 
their privateers w^ith remarkable audacity. The 
present papers mention the cruizes of the Peacock, 
the Chasseur, and the Mammoth, all of which were 
very successful, and all ventured on the coasts of 
England and Ireland ! The two latter being Ame- 
rican built, outsailed every thing that gave them 
chase. This is a circumstance requiring strict at- 



( 47 ) 

tention on the part of the admiralty. Surely there 
must be some discoverable and imitahle cause of a 
celebrity in sailing, which is so important a point in 
naval tactics. Mr. Fulton, of Catamaran memory, 
appears to have employed himself on a naval ma- 
chine of singular powers. It is described as a 
steam frigate, and is intended to carry red hot shot 
of one hundred pounds weight. When we remem- 
ber how contrary to expectation was the tremend- 
ous effect of the batteries of the Dardimelles, we 
cannot entirely dismiss from our minds all appre- 
hension of the effect of this new machine of Mr. 
Fulton's.'* 

Before I proceed to inquire into the justice of 
these charges against Mr. Monroe's bill, I cannot 
refrain from noticing, in a particular manner, one 
phrase of this article. Mr. Walter (for hire he 
whom he will to write for him, he is the author) 
calls the bill '^ this daring bill of Mr. Monroe's." 
Mr. Walter is no grammarian, my lord ; nor is it 
necessary that he should be, to qualify him for ad- 
dressing such people as the well-attired rabble of 
England, who are his readers. But this is not the 
thing that I have in view : I want your lordship to 
mark the word " daring," as applied to this bill ; 
as if it were a thing which the republic ought not 
to think of without our permission ; as if it were 
like the act of a servant taking up a sword and 
challenging his master ; as if it were a trait of inso- 
lence unbearable in a nation at war with big John 
Bull to take effectual means to resist his attacks on 
their shores : as if it were audacious in them to pro- 
vide the means of preventing their cities, towns and 
villages, from being plundered or burnt. This Mr. 
Walter, only a few days ago, called Mr. Jefferson 
" liar and slave:' ^ He has a hundred times called 



( 48 ). 

Mr. Madison a miscreant^ a traitor^ a liar^ a viU 
lain ; and has as often insisted, that no peace ought 
ever to be made with him. He has frequendy in- 
sisted, that Mr. Madison and his faction (the ma- 
jority of congress) must be hurled from their seats. 
He has called Mr. Jefferson the old serpent. In 
short, it is the next to impossible to think of any 
vile term or epithet, which this author has not ap- 
plied to the American President and the majority 
of that congress, which is the real representation of 
the American people. And yet he has the cool im- 
pudence to speak of this bill, this measure of de- 
fence^ as if it were something insolent towards us. 

The truth is, my lord, we have so long had to deal 
with East Indians and Portuguese, and Spaniards 
and Italians, and Germans and Dutchmen and Rus- 
sians, and Imperialist Frenchmen, that we are quite 
spoiled for a dealing with the Americans. We have 
at last arrived at such a pitch, that we regard it as 
insolence in any people even to talk of resisting us. 
Mr. Walter is, in this respect, but the mouth-piece 
of his readers. We must correct ourselves as to 
this way of thinking and talking, if the war with 
America continue ; or we shall be exposed to the 
derision of the whole world. 

Now, then, as to Mr. Monroe's measure. Mr. 
Walter describes it as a conscription ; says, that it 
will subject the people to barbarous humiliation ; 
says, that it makes the president a military despot of 
the most sanguinary character ; asks, who is to chain 
the conscripts and drag them to the head- quarters of 
the military division ; calls the raising of this force 
putting a collar on the necks of the American citi- 
zens. 

These are the charges which Mr. Walter prefers 
"against this grand measure of the republic, and he 



( 49 > 

©bserves, " that when an American gentleman of 
splendid attainments^ some years ago, composed his 
celebrated review of the conscription code of that 
monster Bonaparte^ he could not possibly foresee, 
that his own country would so soon be subjected 
to the same barbarous humiliation,^^ This gentle- 
man of " splendid attainments^^"* was a Mr. Walsh, 
of Philadelphia, who, having been in France, came 
over to England, where, under the patronage of the 
friends of bribery and corruption, he wrote and pub- 
lished a pamphlet, calculated to aid their views. 
. This pamphlet clearly shewed that the author was 
one of those Americans, who, by the vain splendor 
that they here behold, and by the hope of sharing 
in it, have been induced to apostatise from the prin- 
ciples of their own republican government. This 
young man, whose work was really a very poor per- 
formance, abounding with inconsistencies, and, in- 
deed, with downright falsehoods, had his head turn- 
ed by the flatteries of the hireling writers and re- 
viewers here : and I should not wonder if his work 
acquired him the unspeakable felicity of hearing, 
that even his name was mentioned in a conversation 
between two lords. The great recommendation of 
the work was, that it was 7iot the work of an Eiig- 
lishman. No ; it was said, the work of an American^ 
who, of course^ was a friend of the French, and not 
at all disposed to exaggerate in describing their mi- 
scry. This was the fraudulent color under which the 
work got into circulation. Mr. Walsh was a tool 
in the hands of crafty men, who dazzled him with 
praises. 

But now as to the resemblance between Mr, 
Monroe's measure and the conscription of Napo- 
leon : 



( 50 ) 

1st. The French conscription was decreed by an 
arbitrary despot, assisted by an assembly whom the 
people had not chosen. The levy in America is or- 
dered by a law, passed by the congress, who are the 
real and not the sham representatives of the people ; 
who have recently been freely chosen by the peo- 
ple ; and who, if they desire to be re-elected, must 
act so as to please the people, the time of their re- 
election being near at hand. 

2d. The French conscript was called out to fight 
for the support and aggrandizement o{ a particular 
famihf, and for the support also of nobles in the pos- 
^session of their titles and estates. It was the honor 
of the crown that the Frenchman was called on to 
fio-ht for, and that, too, in distant lands. The Ame- 
rican citizen is called out to defend no sovereign 
family, no crown, no nobles, to give no security and 
to ^am no renown for them, or any of them ; but to 
fie-ht for the safety, liberty, and honor of a country 
Where there are no distinctions of rank, and where, ot 
course, every individual lights, when he does fight, 
in his oivn cause as much as in the cause of the 

president himself. ^ „ , ^ 7 

3d. The French conscription compelled /^^T^owff/ 

service The American levy contains no such com- 
pulsion. Every twenty-five men, between the ages 
oi 18 and 45, are to fiirnish one man. It no one ot 
the twenty-five will serve in person, the whole twen- 
ty-five together, are, according to their property, to 
pay a certain sum of money. 

4th The French conscript, while he left, per- 
haps, an aged father or mother at home living in 
penury, was fighting for an emperor, whose wife 
carried about her person, at the nation sexpence 
decorations, which cost as much as vvould have fed 
thousands of families for a year. The American le- 



{ 51 ) 

vyman knows, that his government, all taken to- 
ti;ether, president, congress, judges, secretaries, 
clerks, and all, elo not cost so much in a year, as is 
swallowed by an imperial family in one single day. 

5di. YrducQ was noi invaded. This is a very mr- 
terial point, America was, and is invaded. Her vil- 
lagcs, towns, and cities, have been plundered and 
burnt. A continuation of this mode of warfare has 
been distinctly declared by our admiral to have been 
resolved upon. It is invasion, it is devastation, it is 
fire, it is the sword, it is plunder at their very doors, 
and in their very dwellings on the coast, that the 
American levy are called forth to repel, to punish or 
to prevent. It is no possible, no imaginary, no dis- 
tant danger that has called forth this measure from 
the congress ; it is actual invasion ; it is an enemy ia 
the country, there laying waste, plundering, and kill- 
ing ; lawfully, if you ]:)lease ; but that is no matter. 
If Napoleon had landed an anny here, he would 
have been justified in so doing by the laws of war ; 
but, when we expected him even to make the at- 
tempt^ at invasion, did ive confine ourselves to mea- 
sures like this of Mr. Monroe ? Did we not call 
upon the whole of the people to be ready to come 
out under martial law P But I am here anticipating 
another part of the subject of my letter. 

So much, then, for the resemblance between the 
French conscription and the American levy ; and, 
I am sure, that your lordship will allow, that they 
no more resemble one another than this Register 
resembles the Times newspaper. What, then, be- 
comes of Mr. Walter's bombastical trash about 
sanguinary despots and chained conscripts ? Yet, he 
\viU find dupes ! He has found dupes for many 
years, and he will continue to find them upon this 
subject, I fear, 'till we shall see an American feet 



■ ( 52 ) 

on the coast of Ireland, an occurrence more proba- 
ble than, at one time, was thought the capture of 
-an English frigate by a republican thing with a bit 
of striped bimting at its mast head, as Mr. Canning 
thought proper to describe the American frigates. 

But, my lord, it is not widi the French conscrip- 
tion alone that I mean to compare the republican 
levy. Let us see (for that will bring the thing home 
to us) what is the nature of this measure of Mr. 
JMonroe compared with our Militias. 

We have two or three militias ; but there are tvto 
clearly distinguished from each other: One is called 
the militia^ and the other the local militia. The for- 
mer consists of men called out by ballot, with- 
out ANY REGARD TO THE AMOUNT OF THEIR 

PROPERTY. Each man, so called on, must serve 
in person, or must, out of his own pocket, find a 
man to serve in his stead ; and, service is, in all 
respects, except that of being sent over sea, the same 
as that of the regular soldiers ; seeing that the man 
may be m^arched to any part of the kingdom, may 
l)e quartered in camp, in barracks, and is subjected 
to all military pains and penalties, the price of sub- 
stitutes has long been so high, that no laborer or 
journeyman has, out of his own pocket, been able 
to procure a substitute. Now, you see, there is a 

^ wide difference here. For the man of small means 
in America has twenty-four others to assist him in 

.paying the money necessary to engage a substitute. 
Twenty-five men are put into a class. If one of 
them goes to serve, the others are able to make him 
a handsome compensation. If none of them choose 
to serve, the money in lieu of the service of one man 
is to be collected from twenty-five m.en. And, which 
is the beauty of this admirable scheme, when it 
comes to the payment of money, each person is to 

pay, not the same sum, but a sum in proportion to 



( 53 ) 



/lis means. In England the names oi all of certain 
ages, in each parish, are put into a box, out of which 
the number wanted are drawn. It happens of 
course, that, of four, one is a rich merchant ano'ther 
a armer, another a journeyman taylor, and another 
a laborer. Lach is to serve in person or to find a 
substitute. 1 he price of the substitute is as hi^h 
tor the poor as for the rich. TJie two latter, there- 

nr tL' "'^"° !""«P«'y to defend, must serve, 
tl^e J "^"^^"'^e together the means of paying fo^ 
volve f"" ° *'^'=.P'-'?F'-t.V of the rich, and thu!in- 

,7 hL '" '" ^'''^ '''"^' expose their families, 

11 they have any, to misery. But vou see Mr 

Monroe s scheme most effectually provides aga „s 
Ind aI ^T "^\ *' '"''"'" population, betweel, 18 
casst'J °/^''"''' °^ tvventy.five men. Each 
class IS to send one man. If they aeree amongst 

mv J\^ m °'' '° ^'*' !'^'" *^ twenty.five are to 

fn/ce-Z ■ """""^ ' ^"* ''"-' *^y ^'^ "Ot to pay 
alike the journeyman taylor and the laborer are not 

of S twe n-T"'-"^' ''^"'^ ^'^^ f^™- = --- -an 

ISr/, "5r '1 *° I?"^u'" /^'•''/^'•''«« to his 

property and thus does the burden of defence f;,il 

wid^amhmetical correctness on the thing to be de 

And this my lord, is what Mr. Walter calls a 
conscnptionr this he calls a measure of ''"«/ 
harous humihation^^ to the people of America • for 
pr^osing this measure he emails Mr. MadL, a 
sangicmarij despot:" this is the measure which he 
says wil never be submitted to by the republicans. 
1 he foolish man will soon have to announce his as- 
tomshiitent at the complete success of the measure • 
If he has not, I will acknowledge myself to be as 
ereat a fnn ns if '^ ■' "^ ''? 



great a fool as he. 

r. 2 



( 54 ) 

Bat, to proceed, our local ?nilitia were to serve 
only within their several counties ^ but their service 
has now been extended ; though, except in cases 
of nrgency, they are to be called out only a month 
in the year. Here no man must get the means of 
hiring a substitute from an}- insurance or club. He 
must make no bargain with his master to work out 
the amount of the penalty. He must siuear that the 
fen pounds conies out of his own present means, or 
he ?jiust serve in person. In this case, however, we 
approach a little nearer to Mr. Monroe's excellent 
scheme ; for in this militia, we proportion the fine, 
in some measure, to the property of him who refu- 
ses to serve ; though a rich farmer still pays only 
about tiventy poinids^ whilst the poorest of his labo- 
rers must pay teri poiindsy though certainly the pro- 
perty of the former may be estimated at two or three 
thousand times greater than the property of the lat- 
ter. Now, according to Mr. Monroe's scheme, a 
couple of farmers would find themselves classed 
with twenty-three journeymen blacksmiths, collar- 
makers, wheelwrights, Sec. &c. And, of course, tlie 
two farmers would pay 24-25ths of the penalty ; or, 
which would be the natural result, one man out of 
the twenty-five, with a handsome reward from the 
rest, would cheerfully take up the musket instead 
of the dung-fork or the sledge-hammer. 

But the most important distinction still remains 
to be noticed : that is to say, that we have, for twen- 
ty years, had a militia on foot, under martial lau\ 
under officers commissioned by the Icings under the 
regular discipline^ lodged in camps or barracks^ 
marched to every corner ^of the kingdom ^ \\\^k\o\\t 
any actual invasion of the country. These regiments 
have been kept up, the ballotting has been going 
on, and no invaders have come to burn our villages, 



( 55 ) 

towns, and cities — or, to plunder them, or to lay 
them under contribution. While, in America, we 
are invading and laying waste ; we are taking per^ 
7na?i€tit possession of one district ; we are compell- 
ing the people to swear allegiance to our king ; we 
have one army afloat here, another there, more are 
going out ; and this Mr. Walter is calling till he is 
hoarse for more troops to be sent to divide and de- 
vastate the country, io overturn the republican go- 
vernment, and reduce the people to unconditional 
submission ; all this he is doing, while he is, at the 
same time, crying out against the " barbarous" 
scheme of calling upon the people of property to 
defend their country, either in their persons, or with 
their piirses. — Aye, my lord ! fool as Mr. Walter 
is, he perceiyes that Mr. Monroe's is an infallible 
scheme for raising an army in a short time, and for 
keeping that army complete. He, fool as he is, 
smells powder in every line of this scheme. But 
it is his business to misrepresent, to disfigure, to 
induce his well-dressed rabble of readers, and you 
too, if possible, to believe that the scheme willfail^ 
and that, therefore^ we ought to carry on the w ar with 
all imaginable energy. 1 trust, that you will see the 
danger which this wise and equitable plan presents 
to us. I trust that you will at once abandon all hopes 
of extorting any concession from a country which 
has now shewn, that difficulties and dangers, as they 
press upon her, only tend to increase her energy, to 
raise her spirit, and make her more formidable. I 
have respect enough for the understanding of your 
lordship to believe that you have read Mr. Mon- 
roe^s letter to the chairman of the military commit- 
tee with great attention, and not without some de- 
gree of alarm. But the conclusion of it is so very 



( 60 ) 

important, that I cannot refrain from again calling 
your attention to it. 

*' I should," says he, " insult the understanding, 
and wound the feelings of the committee, if I touch- 
ed on the calamities incident to defeat. Dangers 
which are remote, and can never be realized, excite 
no alarm with a gallant and generous people. But 
the advantages of success have a fair claim to their 
deliberate consideration. The effort we have alrea- 
dy made has attracted the attention and extorted the 
praise of other nations. Already have most of the 
absurd theories and idle speculations on our system 
of government been refuted and put doxvn. We 
are now felt and respected as a power, and it is the 
dread which the enemy enPei'tain of our resources and 
growing importance^ that had induced him to press 
the war against us after its professed objects had 
ceased. Success by discomfiture of his schemes^ and 
the attainment of an honorable peace, will place the 
United States on higher ground, in the opinion of 
the world, than they have held at any former period. 
In future wars, their commerce, xvill be permitted 
to take its lawful range unmolested. Their remon- 
strances to foreign governments will not again be 
put aside, unheeded. Few will be presented, be- 
cause there will seldom be occasion for them. Our 
union, founded on internal affection, will have ac- 
quired new strength by the proof it will have afford- 
ed of the important advantages attending it. Res- 
pected abroad, and happy at home, the United States 
will have accomplished the great objects for which 
they have so long contended. As a nation they will 
have little to dread, as a people little to desire." 

I beseech your lordship's serious attention to these 
important words. I allow, that peace now made on 
the basis of the status quo would be success Xo Ame- 



( 57 ) 

fica. I have often said this before. To defend her- 
self against us, single handed, will be a most glori- 
ous triumph to her, and will elevate her in the eyes 
of all the world. But, then, my lord, to repeat once 
more what I have so often said, what will be the 
conaequence of her success at the ^^a^i of a ten year's 
or a five year's v/ar ? How much greater would then 
be her triumph ? How much greater her weight in 
the Avorld ? How much more proud her defiance of 
us ? How much more powerful her navy ? How 
much more exasperated her people against us ? 

I confess, that, after all that has been said here 
about Mr. Madison ; after all the threats of our press 
to depose him : after all the '* Viars^ traitors^ hypo- 
crites,'^'' &c. that the press has called him ; after all 
the expectations of seeing a viceroy sent out to 
Washington city, it would sink the heart of John 
Bull down into his shoes to see a peace made with 
this same Mr. Madison, without extorting some- 
thing from him. But you and your colleagues ought 
to despise this national folly, created by the venal 
men, who live by misrepresentation and falsehood ; 
whose tables are furnishe,d with the fruits of flatter- 
ing popular prejudices. 

1 confess, too, that the friends of captain Henry; 
that the would-be noUesse of Massachusetts ; that 
the federalists in general, would be put down for- 
ever by a peace with Mr. Madison, on terms hon- 
orable to America, made at this time, and which 
peace would clearly have been obtained by the wis- 
dom of his measures and the bravery of those whom 
he has employed. But hang these scurvy nobles, 
my lord ! They are poor creatures. They cannot 
assist us. The population of America is essentially 
republican, from one end to the other. Tiiese poor 
things ha\'e tried their utmost, and they have failed. 



{ 58 ) 

As long as they are stimulated with the hope of 
forcing open the offices of government by the mis- 
fortunes of their country, they will talk big about a 
separation of the union — but the moment that that- 
hope dies within them, you will see them as quiet 
as mice. And, really, I do not know of any thing 
more likely to kill that hope than the scheme of Mr. 
Monroe, which will not only bring forth an efficient 
army now^ but which will hold an efficient army al- 
•ways in readiness at a week's notice, while at the 
same time, it will obviate the necessity of a stand- 
ing army and of a gvt^X permanent expense, and will 
prevent the executive government from acquiring a 
patronage inconsistent with the principles of repub- 
lican government, and dangerous to political and 
civil liberty. 

I confess, moreover, that there is another class of 
men, whom you would mortally offend by making 
a peace that should be honorable to America : I 
mean, the haters of freedom. 1 do not mean ^' * 
^^^^T^^*****^ This mo- 
ment has arrived the Courier newspaper with news 
of PEACE. I do not know how to express the plea- 
sure I feel at this news, or the gratitude, which^yc^r 
this act, I, in common with my countrymen, ov/e 
to your lordship and your colleagues. Far be it 
from me to rejoice at what the Times calls the dis- 
grace of the navy of England and the humiliation 
of the crown; but being fully convinced, the lon- 
ger the war had continued, the more disgraceful and 
dangerous would have been the result, I do most 
sincerely rejoice at this auspicious event, and cer- 
tainly not the less on account of its being calculated 
to baffle the views of that hypocritical faction, who 
have still the impudence to call themselves whigs. 
I am, &c. &c. Wm, COBBETT. 

Botley, 2Sth Dec, 1814. 



[I at first proposed only to introduce four of Mr. Cob- 
bett'vS letters to Lord Liverpool, but some of his other poli- 
tical pieces on the late American war, are so extremely 
interesting and pleasurable to me (which in fact was the 
primary cause of my republishing them in this form, with 
the subsequent appendages) that I have concluded to intro- 
duce the most important of all his writings on the present 
topic, as they vindicate the American character from the 
foul and false aspersions of tory calumniators, both in Eu- 
rope and America, in the most masterly manner ; and, as 
they, in themselves, give an honourable glimpse of the Ame- 
rican Victories, os land, on the lakes, and on the 
OCEAN. Indeed Mr. Cobbett deserves a statue of gold 
and the gratitude of every true American, for boldly vindi- 
cating, (though surrounded with tyrants and traitors, syc- 
ophants and slaves) the just cause of our injured and insul- 
ted republic, the only one the ravages of monarchy and epis- 
copacy has left in the world. For my part, though I 
abhorred his principal writings and politics, A. D. 1798, 1 
cannot find language to express the pleasure I received on 
perusing the subjoined letters, and the gratitude and vene- 
ration 1 feel for their author for the same, A. D. 1815. The 
pleasure I participate I wish to communicate to my fellow 
citizens, and glailly would I exhibit to them in particular, 
and the population of Europe in general, the usurpation and 
imposition of monarchy, was my power equal to ray will.] 

TO THE COSSACK PRIESTHOOD OF THE STATE OF MAS- 

SACHUSETTS. 

Botley, J>rov, 29, 1814. 

Gentlemen — I perceive, that there were held, in 
your state, and at your instigation, and under your 
guidance and ministry, solem?i Jasts and thanksgiv- 
ings on account of the entrance of the Cossacks in- 



C 60 ) 

to Paris, and of the fall of Napoleon. Hence, I 
perceive that you are called the Chaplains of the 
Cossacks ; arid sometimes, the Cossack Priesthood, 
That you, who used to be regarded as some of the 
best men in your republic, and the purity of whose 
religious motives were never even doubted, should 
have exposed yourselves to the application of such 
titles, I extremely regret to hear. But it is not my 
business to give way to private feelings upon such an 
occasion. It is for me, as far as I am able, and as 
I dare, to make truth known to the world ; and, as 
you, in this case, appear to me to have shewn a 
more decided hostility to truth, than any other set 
of men of whom I have heard, not excepting the 
editors of the London newspapers, it is natural for 
me to address myself to you upon the subject. 

The religion, of which you profess to be teach- 
ers, is the Presbyterian, I believe there are three 
or four sorts of Presbyterian Christians. To which 
of these sorts you belong, or whether some of you 
are of one sort, and some of each of the others, I 
know not. Nor is it material ; it being well known, 
that, substantially, all these sorts are the same, and 
that the religion you professed, has existed, and has 
been the generally prevailing religion in the four eas- 
tern states of the republic, where there has been born 
and reared an industrious, sober, humane, brave, and 
free people, distinguished above all others for their 
good understanding of the — [7/2 the number from 
•which we copy, two or three lines are obliterated.']— 
Whether they would have been as good, better, or 
worse, without the religion diaty on have taught; whe- 
ther, discarding, as is the manner of some men, all 
mysteries, andbelievingin nothing, the truth of which 
cannot be substantiated by undeniable facts, or by 
incontrovertible argument, they w^ould have been 



( Gl ) 

as good, better, or worse, than they are, is a ques- 
tion, which I will not meddle v/ith. But you will 
excuse me, if I observe, that while this can possibly 
be made a question amongst ratjanal men, you, who 
receive pay for your teaching of religion, ought to 
be verv careful to excite no doubt in the minds of 
mankind as to the purity of your views, or the sin- 
cerity of your faith. 

Your recent conduct does, however, appear to 
have excited such doubts in the minds of your 
countrymen. In my mind it has done more. It 
has convinced me that your motives are any thing 
rather than pure, and that your professions are a 
inere pretence ; a trick to enable you to live -with- 
out labour upon the earnings of those who do labour^ 
just as are the tricks of monks and friars, and of all 
other im posers on popular credulity, from the gol- 
den-palmed showman of the Lady of Loretto down 
to the lousy-cowled consecrators of halfpenny strings 
of beads, and the itinerant protestant bawlers, whose 
harangues are wholly incomprehensible, until they 
come round with their hat to collect the means of 
recruiting the belly. All the zeal of impostors of 
^very kind ; all their calumnies of others ; all their 
innumerable persecutions of those who have en- 
deavoured to withdraw tlie people from their degra- 
ding influence, have had this great eiid in view : 
to extract and secure to themselves the means of 
living well, without labour, out of the earnings of 
those who do labour. I am very sorry to as- 
cribe such a motive to you, whose forefathers fled 
to a wilderness rather than violate the dictates of 
their conscience ; but truth compels me to say, 
that you appear to have no claim to an exemption 
from the general charge. Yet, I am not so unjust 
as to suppose, much less to hold forth to the world, 



( 62 ) 

that all the priests of Massachusetts are of this des- 
cription ; but, as I find no account of any protest, 
on the part of any of tlie priests, against the odious 
and detestable celebrations and fasts before men- 
tioned, I shall stand fully justified for not making 
any particular exceptions. If any of the priests of 
Massachusetts feel sore under the appellation which 
I have given them, they ought to direct their resent- 
ment against those whose conduct has brought it 
upon them, and not against me, unless they are able 
to shew that I charge them unjustly. 

Had you, indeed, confined your thanksgivings to 
the release of certain countries of Europe from the 
arms of an invader^ a conqueror^ an oppressor, an 
ambitious despot, who, instead of giving liberty, ad- 
ded to the civil sufierings of some of the nations, 
whom he over-ran, having first extinguished Re- 
publican Government, and along with it political li- 
berty, in France, where the people had put power 
into his hands to be used in the cause of freedom ; 
had you held solemn thanksgivings on account of 
the triumphs of the Cossacks, and their associates, 
in the cause of the civil and political independence 
of nations, you would net have excited indignation 
in the breast of any rational man ; for though some 
men would have differed with you in opiinon upon 
that point ; though some men would have said as 
some men thought, that the conquerer could not 
long have held under his sway so extensive an em- 
pire as he was grasping ; that in a few years, the 
several countries of which it was composed, begining 
with France, would in all human probability, throw 
off" his yoke, and form themselves into independent 
states, freed from all his as well as all former shac- 
kless ; and that thus he would in the end, be found 
to have been instrumental in establishing liberty, 



( 63, ) 

civil as well as religious, in every part of Europe 
where it did not before exist ; though some men 
would have said this and would of course not have 
joined you in your thanksgivings for the victories 
of the Cossacks, no just and considerate man could 
helve censured you so long as you confined your 
thanksgivings to the aforementioned objects. But 
when, in your prayers and sermons, you called the 
Cossacks and others engaged on the same side, '* the 
bulwark of your religion;'' when with the JRever- 
end Mr. PARISH at your head, you called Napo-- 
leon Anti-Christ, and bawled out'songs of praise to 
the Cossacks and their associates for pulling him 
down; and especially when you maliciously "threw 
on your political opponents the charge of being the 
abettors of Anti-Christ ; then you excited the in- 
dignation of all those who did not turn with disgust 
from your horrid ejaculations and harangues. 

If there was one trait above all others, by which 
your sermons and prayers, until of late years, were 
characterized, it was by your zealous, vour violent, 
not to say foul-mouthed, attacks on 'the Romisll 
Pontiff, faith and worship ; vou had no scruple to 
represent the Pope as an Anti- Christ and as the 
Scarlet Whore of Old Babylon, covered with abo^ 
mmations. How clearly did you prove that he was 
the beast of the Revelations ; that he had made the 
jvorld drunk Avith the fornications ; that his seven 
heads were his seven hills on which Rome is situ- 
ated ; his ten horns the ten principal catholic sove- 
reigns of Europe ; and that his colour was scarlet 
because it was dyed in the blood of the Saints ? Was 
tb.ere a sermon, was there a praver that issued from 
your hps, in which you did not call on the Lord for 
vengeance on this " Alan of Si?i,'' and in which you 
did not describe the Catholic Religion as idolatrous, 



(.64 ) 

hlasphcmoiin, diabolical., and as evidently tending to 
the eternal damnation of millions and millions of pre- 
cious souls '^ 

Every one who shall read what I am now writing, 
must acknowledge that this description of your con- 
duct, in regard to the Romish churchy is far short of 
the mark. What then have you now to say, in jus- 
tification of your recent conduct ? Where is your 
justification for your violent attacks on Napoleon 
and his family, to say nothinf^ at present of your 
thanksgivings for the restoration of the ancient order 
of things, or in your own language '* the ancient and 
venerable institutions .^" Where is your justification 
for your attacks on Bonaparte? Others^ indeed, 
Txiight consistently attack them. Such as thought 
that the church of Rome and lier power ^vere good 
things ; or such as regarded one religion as good as 
another, might consistently attack Bonaparte. But 
vou^ you who professed the opinions above describ- 
ed ; how \_Here also a fexv lines are obliterated'] 
power commenced, existing in Europe a system of 
religion, or, as you called it, irreligion, having at the 
head of it a Sovereign Pontifl^' with innumerable car- 
dinals, bishops, vicars, general aV)bots, priors, monks, 
friars, secular priests, &c. &c. under him. To this 
body you ascribed false doctrines, tricks, frauds and 
cruelties, without end. You charged them with the 
propagation of idolatry and blasphemy, ^vith keep- 
ing the people in ignorance; with nourishing su- 
perstition ; with blowing the flames of persecution ; 
with daily murdering in the most horrid manner, 
the martyrs to the true faith. The Sovereign Pontiff 
himself, the corner stone of the whole body, you 
constantly called Anti-Christ , the Scarlet Whore, 
the beast, and the Man of Sin, and you prayed most 
vehemently for his overthrow, insisting that the sys- 



( 65 ) 

tern of which he was the foundation manifestly tend- 
ed to the eternal damnation of the souls of the far 
greater part of the people of Europe. 

Well, Napoleon arose. He hurled down the Pope, 
he overthrew the Anti- Christ, the Scarlet Whore, 
the Beast, the Man of Sin ; and with him all the 
long list of persecutors of the Saints. Napoleon and 
his associates did, in three years, what your prayers 
and preachings had not been able to effect in three 
centuries. The Pope was stripped of all temporal 
power ; the cardinals and bishops were reduced to 
mere cyphers ; the monks were driven from their 
dens of laziness and debauchery ; the tricks and 
frauds were exposed ; the adored images were tun> 
ed into fire wood ; the holy relics were laughed at ; 
the light of truth was suffered freely to beam upon 
the minds of the people ; religious persecution was 
j)ut an end to ; and all men were not only permitt- 
ed^ but also encouraged^ openly to profess, pursue 
and enjoy, whatever species of religious faith and 
W'orship they chose. — Every man became eligible 
to offices, trusts and honours ; and throughout the 
domains of Italy and PVance, where a Presbyterian 
would have been tied to a stake and roasted rather 
than be suffered to fill an office of trust, or to preach 
to a congregation, religious liberty, was under Na- 
poleon, made as perfect as in Pennsylvania, and 
more perfect than in your State of Massachusetts. 

These are facts, which none of you, not even Mr. 
Parish, will dare openly to deny. They are as no- 
torious as they will be and ought to be memorable. 

Ought you not, therefore, to have rejoiced at this 
wonderful change in favour of religious liberty? How 
could you see 50 millions of souls set free without 
feeling it impossible to suppress an expression of 
your pleasure ? How could you see the fall oi Ariti- 

t 2 



( C6 ) 

Christ without putting up thanksgiving to that God, 
whom you had so long been worrying with your 
importunities lor the accomplishment of that object ? 
Was not this an event calculated to call forth your 
gratitude to heaven ? Ought it not to have been ex- 
pected from you, that you should speak very cauti- 
ously in disapprobation of Napoleon and the French 
republicans, who had effected what you had so long 
been praying for apparently in vain ? Ought you not, 
if you had spoken at all of the sins of his ambition : 
if you had blamed him as an invader, a conqueror, 
a destroyer of republican freedom, to have touched 
him with a tender hand, considering the immense 
benefits which religious liberty had received in con- 
sequence of his invasions and conquests ? Ought 
he not to have found in you above all men living, if 
not impartial judges, at least, mild and moderate 
censors ? 

If this was what might naturally and justly have 
been expected from you, what must have been the 
surprise and indignation of those who saw you 
amongst the very fiercest of Napoleon's foes ; a- 
mongst the foulest of his calumniators; amongst 
the first and loudest of those who rejoiced at his 
fall ; who saiw you holding solemn fasts and thanks- 
givings for his overthrow ; who heard }0U hail with 
holy rapture the return of *' the ancient order of 
things," and the re-establishment of the *' venerable 
institutions'''' of Europe ; who heard you joining in 
the hosannas of the monks, styling the Cossacks 
and their associators *' Bulwarks of J^eligion,^^ 
^^ Deliverers'^ and " Saviours;^' who heard you in the 
words of Mr. Parish, shifting from the pope to Na- 
poleon himself the imputation of being ^?iti- Christ, 
and charging your political opponents with being 
the abettors of that *' Scarlet Whore," that " Man 



( Gr ) 

of Sin!"— What must have been the surprise and 
indignation of those who were the witnesses ofyour 
conduct upon this memorable occasion ? How you 
may stand at this time, in the estimation of your 
flocks, It IS impossible for me to know ; but if you 
still preserve your former weight and consequence, 
I must say that you exhibit an instance of success' 
of which, in an enlightened countrv, no former set 
of impostors ever had to boast. 

JFhat was that ''ancient order of things," the 
return of which you hailed with such rapture^? 
IFhatxverethos^ " venerable institutions," of which 
you thanked the Lord for the approaching re-estab- 
lishment ? The Holy See of Rome was one, and 
the Inqmsition was another. Thousands of subal- 
tern "venerable institutions" naturally followed in 
the tram of these ; such as the Virgin Mary's house 
at Loretto, the shrine of Saint Antony, the Holy 
Cross, the exhibition of St. Catharine's Wheel, the 
Holy Thorn that penetrated Christ's cheek, of the 
Breeches of St. Polomo, so efficacious with barren 
nvives, especially by a lusty monk. Hundreds and 
thousands of thousands of these '' venerable'' X\\mz% 
naturally followed the overthrow of him who had 
overthrown them. All the persecutions of the Pro- 
testants ; all the frauds, insolence and cruelty of the 
Romish priests, must have been in your view. 
You are not ignorant men. On the contrary, you 
are some of the most cumiing even of priests. " You 
knew to a moral certainty that the pope, whom vou 
had formerly led your flocks to believe was Anti- 
Christ, would be restored. You knew that, instead 
of a milder sway, he would naturally be more rigid 
than ever in the exercise of the power. All this 
you knew. You knew that the toleration of all 
Protestant sects, the encouragement of them, the 



( 68 ) 

free use of reason on religious subjects, and the free 
circulation of religious opinions, which were so 
complete under Napoleon, would be instantly des- 
troyed in the far greater part of Europe. And yet 
you held a solemn thanksgiving to God that Napo- 
leon had been overthrown, and you had the impious 
hypocrisy to call his enemies " the bulwalks of re- 
ligion ;" you, aye, you, whose fathers fled to a wil- 
derness across the sea, rather than live where they 
were not permitted openly to renounce as damnable 
the remnants which the church of England had 
preserved of that very religion; of which the ene- 
mies of Napoleon were the bulwark, and which you 
now thanked God for the prospect of seeing resto- 
red ! 

The holy father whom you had formerly called 
the "Scarlet Whore," dyed in the blood of the 
saints. The " beast, "^^ as you used to call him, 
whose " mouth was full of blasphemies," remount^ = 
ed his chair even before ** the inost christian king" 
got upon his throne. One of his first acts was to 
restore the Jesuits, that " ancient and venerable in- 
stitution,'* which had become so odious on account 
of its wicked acts that it had been abolished by all 
the princes of PLurope, and even by a former pope 
himself. The next remarkable step was, the re- 
establishment of the Inquisition in Spain, where 
it had been abolished by Napoleon on the day that 
he took possession of the government of that coun- 
try ; and, what is worthy of particular notice, 
though perfectly natural, " Ferdinand the beloved,'^^ 
in his ordinance, dated 23d July last, for the re-es- 
lishment of that horrid tribunal, makes use of al- 
most your very language in reproaching Napoleon 
with its abolition, as you will see by the ordinance 
itself, annexed to this letter. 



( 69 ) 

You yourselves well know wliat that tribunal 
was ; but as soiiie of the good people whom you 
have deceived, may not know the precise nature of 
that *' venerable institution," which Napoleon abol- 
ished, and which h.is been restored in consequence 
of the success of your " bulwark of religion^'''' I 
^vill here insert an account of it from the last edi- 
tion of Encijclopedi^ Britannica, referrini^ your 
flocks to Mr. Dobson's greatly improved Philadel- 
phia edition, that they may verify the correctness of 
the extract, which they will find under the words 
** Inquisition'^ and " act offaith,^'' as follows : 

'' INQUISITION.— In the church of Rome, a 
tribunal in several Roman Catholic countries, erec- 
ted by the popes for the examination and punish- 
ment of heretics. — This court was founded in the 
12th century by Father Dominic and his followers, 
^vho were sent by Pope Innocent III. with orders 
to excite the Catholic princes and people to extir- 
pate heretics, to searcli into their number and adul- 
tery, and to transmit a faithful account thereof to 
Rome. Hence they were called Inquisitors ; and 
this gave birth to the formidable tribunal of the In- 
quisition, which was received in all Italy and the 
dominions of Spain, except the kingdom of Naples 
and the Low Countries. This diabolical tribunal 
takes cognizance of Heresy, Judaism, Mahometan- 
ism, Sodomy and Polygamy ; and the people stand 
so much in fear of it that parents deliver their chil- 
dren, husbands their wives, and masters their ser- 
vants, to its officers, without daring in the least to 
murmur. The prisoners are kept for a long time, 
till they themselves turn their own accusers, and 
declare the cause of their imprisonment; for they 
are neither told their crime nor confronted with 
witnesses. As soon as they are imprisoned, their 



( -0 ) 

friends go into mourning, and speak of them as 
dead, not daring to solicit their pardon, lest they 
should be brought in as accomplices. When there 
is no shadovT of proof against the pretended crimi- 
nal he is discharged, after suffering the most cruel 
tortures, a tedious and dreadful imprisonment, and 
the loss of the greatest part of his effects. — The 
sentence against prisoners is pronounced publicly 
and with the greatest solemnity. In Portugal they 
erect a theatre capable of holding 3000 persons, in 
which they place a rich altar, and raise seats on 
each side in the form of an amphitheatre. There 
the prisoners are placed ; and over against them is 
a high chair, whither they are called one by one to 
hear their doom from one of the inquisitors. — These 
unhappy people know what they are to suffer by 
the clothes they wear that day. — Those who ap- 
pear in their own clothes are discharged upon pay- 
ment of a fine ; those who have a sa7ito benito^ or 
strait yellow coat without sleeves, charged St. An- 
drew's cross, have their lives, but forfeit all their 
effects ; those who have the resemblance of flames 
made of red serge sewed upon their santo henito^ 
without any cross, are pardoned, but threatened to 
be burned if ever they relapse ; but those who be- 
sides these flames have on their santo benito their 
own picture, surrounded with figures of devils, are 
condemned to expire in the flames. The inquisi- 
tors, who are ecclesiastics, do not pronounce the 
sentence of death, but form and read an act, in 
which they say, that the criminal being convicted 
of such a crime by his own confession, is, with 
much reluctance, delivered to the secular pow- 
er, to be punished according to his demerits ; and 
this writing they give to the seven judges who at- 
tend at the right side of the altar, who immediately 
pass sentence." 



( 71 ) 

. - ACT OF FAITH-In the Romish Church 
IS a solemn day held by the inquisition for the pun- 
ishment of heretics and the absolution of the inno 
cent accused. They usually contrive the Auto to 
fall on some great festival, that the execution may 
pass with more awe and regard ; at least it is always 
on a Sunday. The Auto da Fe, or Act of Faith 
may be called the last act of the inquisitorial trage- 
dy ; It is a kind of gaol delivery, appointed as often 
as a competent number of prisoners, in the inquisi- 
tion, are convicted of heresy, either by their own 
voluntary or extorted confession or on the evidence 
ot certain witnesses.— The process is thus -—In the 
morning they are brought into a great hall, where 
they have certain habits put on, v,^hich they are to 
wear m the procession. The procession is led up 
by Dommican friars ; after which come the peni- 
tents, some with san benitoes and some without ac- 
cording to the nature of the crimes ; being all in 
biacK coats without sleeves and barefooted, with a 
wax candle in their hands. These are followed by 
the penitents who have narrowly escaped bein^ 
burnt, who, over their black coats,"have flames pain- 
ted witn their points turned downwards, fue^o re^ 
volto. iNext come the negative and relapsed, who 
are to be burnt, having flames on their habits poin- 
ting upwards. After these come such as profess 
doctrines contrary to the faith of Rome, who, besides 
tlames pointing upwards, have their picture painted 
on their breast, with dogs, serpents, and devils, all 
open mouthed about it. Each prisoner is attended 
with a familiar of the inquisition ; and those to be 
burnt have also a Jesuit on each hand, who is con- 
tinually preaching to them to abjure. After the 
prisoners, come a troop of familiars on horseback, 
and, after them, the inquisitors and other oflicers of 



{ n ) 

the court, on mules ; last of all, the inquisitor gene- 
ral, on a white horse, led by two men with 
black hats and green hat bands. A scaffold is erec- 
ted in the Tertero de Pacsy big enough for Two or 
three thousand people ; at one end of which are the 
prisoners — at the other, the inquisitors. After a 
sermon, made up of encomiums of the inquisition 
and invectives against heretics, a priest ascends a 
desk near the middle of the scaffold, and, having ta- 
ken the abjuration of the penitents, recites the final 
sentence of those who are to be put to death, and de- 
livers them to the secular arm, earnestly beseeching, 
at the same time, the secular powers not to touch 
their blood or put their lives in danger. The priso- 
ners being thus in the hands of the civil magistrates, 
are presently loaded with chains and carried first to 
the secular gaol, and from thence, in an hour or two, 
brought before the civil judge, who, after asking in 
what religion they intend to die, pronounces sen- 
tence on such as declare they die in the communion 
of Rome, that they shall be first strangled and then 
burnt to ashes ; on such as die in any other faith, 
that they be burnt alive. Both are immediately 
carried to the Ribera, the place of execution ; where 
there are as many stages set up as there are priso- 
ners to be burnt, with a quantity of dry furs about 
them. The stakes of the professed, that is, such 
as persist in their heresy, are about four yards high, 
having a small board towards the top for the priso- 
ner to be seated on, The negative and relapsed be- 
ing first strangled and burnt, the professed mount 
their stakes by a ladder, and the Jesuits, after seve- 
ral repeated exhortations to be reconciled to the 
Church, part with them, telling them they leave them 
to the Devil who is standing at their elbow to re-:^ 
ceive their souls and carrv them with him into the i 



( ^3 ) 

flames of hell. On this a great shout is raised, and 
the cry is, Let the dogs^ beards be made — ^vhich is 
done by thrusting flaming furzes fastened to long 
poles against their faces till their faces are burnt to 
a coal, which is accompanied with the loudest ac- 
clamations of joy. At last fire is set to the furze at 
the bottom of the stake over which the professed are 
chained so high that the top of the flame seldom 
reaches higher than the board they sit on ; so thac 

' they rather seem roasted than burnt. There can- 
not be a more lamentable spectacle ; the suflferers 

«» continually cry out while they are able, Miseri- 
cordia per amor de Dios. ** Pity for the love of 
God !" yet it is beheld by all sexes and ages with 
transports of joy and satisfaction." 

People of Massachusetts ! Sons of Englishmen 
who fled to a wilderness, who sacrificed their dear- 
est connexions to religious liberty ! Merciful, hu- 
mane, gentle, kind, and brave people of Massachus- 
etts, though your Cossack priests can view with dry 
eyes and unmoved muscles this horrid spectacle, 
does it not chill the blood in your veins ? Though 
they, with holy impudence, can put up thanksgiv- 
ing for the fall of him by whom this " venerable 
institution*^ had been overthrown, and at whose fall 
its revival was a natural, if not certain consequence ; 
do not your hearts revolt at the impiousness, the 
baseness, the cruelty of the sentiment ? 

People of Massachusetts (for to your hardened 
priests will I no longer address myself) what could 
have been the real cause of this conduct on the part 
of your priests ? In the people of England it is very 
natural and reasonable to rejoice at the fall of Najjar* 
leon. He had immense power ; he had threatened 
to invade their country ; he had made preparations 
for so doing. It was therefore natural for them to 



( ^4 ) 

rejoice at his fall ; but even here, with the excep- 
tion of a few hypocrites, despised by persons of 
sense of all parties, people did not rejoice at his fall 
as an enemy of religion. Had your priests not put 
up thanksgiving for the deliverance of religion, their 
conduct might have been passed over ; but, when 
they made that the ground of their gratitude to the 
Cossacks and to Heaven, they invited the lash of 
censure ; they called aloud for the detestation of 
mankind. 

While, indeed, the French nation seems to have 
thrown aside all religion whatever ; while they were 
setting aside all the memorials and marks of the 
Christian era, while they were apparently all Athe- 
ists, there was some reason for your priests to wish 
their overthrow. Even in that case, however, they 
would have shewn more confidence in Christianity 
if they had been less bitter against the French. — 
Some men thought that their extreme asperity 
against such writers as Paine seemed not to say 
that they possessed ability to defeat him in the 
field of argument ; and, indeed, seemed to argue 
that they did not feel a sufficient degree of confi- 
dence in the goodness of their cause itself; for if 
they had been thoroughly convinced, as they ought 
to have been, that the Christian religion was built 
upon a rock, and that the gates of hell would never 
prevail against it, Paine would have been an object 
of their pity rather than of their persecution. Their 
anger against him was madness, unless they appre- 
hended danger from his attempts ; and if they did 
apprehend danger from those attempts they shewed 
a want of sufficient confidence in their cause itself, 
which want of confidence should have taught them 
moderation in their attacks on the adversary. There 
was a great outcry about Atheism in France ; but 



{ ^5 ) 

what was it after all but letting the human mind 
loose to range at pleasure ? When every man was 
a: liberty to say what he liked, who need have been 
afraid of the cause of truth? — He who was an in- 
sincere Christian ; he who doubted of the truth ol 
Christianity ; he who thought it false, but who pro- 
fesssed it from interested motives, had reason to 
rail against the innovators : but he who was a real 
believer, and whose belief was founded on the con- 
clusions of reason, could not possibly have any 
ground for alarm, seeing that freedom of discussion 
is and eternally must be favourable to truths and of 
course hostile to error and falsehood. Those, 
therefore, who are opposed to freedom of discus- 
sion on any subject^ and who make use of clamors, 
slanders^ or force to prevent it, may, in all cases, 
and acting under whatever pretence, be safely con- 
sidered as wishing to sustain error or falsehood. 

But these observations do not apply to the case 
of the emperor Napoleon. However just the ha- 
tred of your priests against the Atheists of France, 
there was no portion of that hatred due to him who 
re -opened the churches, who invited the perfor- 
mance of religious w^orship, who encouraged the 
people to make provision for the maintenance of 
the parochial clergy, who went very regularly to 
hear mass himself; but who, at the same time, ef- 
fectually prevented all religious persecution, who 
countenanced and encouraged all religious sects, 
who put them all upon a footing of civil and politi- 
cal equality, and who, throughout his vast domin- 
ions, was speedily introducing such a system as to 
religion as must in a few years have inevitably root- 
ed out every fibre of superstition, and have put an 
end for ever to that spirit of persecution, which had 
so long been filling Europe with misery and crimes. 



( 76 ) 

Be he, therefore, what he might, in other res- 
pects, he had been, and he was a friend and protec- 
tor of religious freedom. This quaUty, one would 
have thought, was that which above all others, 
ought to have pleaded in his behalf with other 
priests ; yet they rejoiced at his fall ; they hailed 
his enemies as the " bulwarks of religion ;" they 
put up thanksgivings for the restoration of the *' ve- 
nerable institutions" which he had pulled down ; 
and they even called him " Anti Christ," the appel- 
lation which they had formerly given to the poj>e. 

Let your priests say what they will of the French 
republicans and of Napoleon, the world are witnes- 
ses to the fact, that, even though a counter revolu- 
tion has taken place in France, that countr}' has de- 
rived immense advantages from the revolution ; that 
she is now freed from numerous oppressions before 
endured ; that her agriculture has made astonishing 
progress; that she has got rid of her feudal tyran- 
nies^ her monks, her tythes; that her farmers are now 
able to undersell ours in our own markets ; that her 
manufactures are greatly increased ; and that, as 
yet, her king has not ventured to overthrow Napo- 
leon's laws, securing to all men perfect religious lu 
berty and an equality as to all matters connected 
with religious worship and the public capacities of 
the professors of different religions. Nothing could 
be a greater compliment to Napoleon, than the stipu- 
lation with the king, that NAPOLEON'S CODE, 
civil and religious, should remain untouched. 

What ground, then, could your priests have for 
their implacable hatred of Napoleon ? Why did they 
putupthanksgivingforhisoverthrow? Why did they 
call the Cossacks and their associates the ** bulwarks 
of religion !" Why did theyc?i\\ him the oppressor 
of Spain, who abolished the Inquisition, and had 
driven the monks from their convents and their lux- 



( '^7 ) 

ury ? What could have been the cause of their be- 
ing amongst his calumniators ? How came they to 
join in the prayers and thanksgivings of the Jesuits 
and Dominicans? The truth is, they were actuated 
bv self-interest. — They were alarmed at the conse- 
quences to which freedom of discussion might lead. 
The sudden overthrow of the old establishments of 
Europe ; the great shock which the French revolu- 
tion gave to long received opinions ; the burst of 
light which had come into the human mind ; these 
alarmed them. They began to fear, that, if reli- 
gion become out of fashion in Europe, it might be- 
come out of fashion in Massachusetts, and lea\*e 
them in a situation like that of the buckle makers 
when shoe strings came in vogue. — They now be- 
gan to perceive that the fall of the pope and of the 
Romish superstition and persecutions, would be to 
them a vast injury. They saw that the French and 
Napoleon were snatching the very bread ^nd meat 
off their plates. This was the true cause of their 
hostility against him ; this was the true cause of 
their thanksgivings for the victories of the Cossacks 
and their associates, as the "bulwarks of reiigion ;^* 
that is to say, the bulwarks o{ xh^'ir bread and meat ; 
the bulwark of their living well, without labour, on 
the earnings of you, who pay them, and who do la- 
bour. The same motive would, of course, have 
induced them to abuse the pullers down of Maho- 
met. Nor must they be surprised if the world should 
suspect, that, in a similar cause, they would have 
made, if they could, a solemn league andconvenant 
with the devil himself, and have called him the 
" bulwark of religion,^'' 

If this conclusion against the Cossack Priests of 
Massachusetts were not obviously deducible from 
their above-described conduct, unsupported by 

G 2 



C 78 ) 

any fact ; if any other proof were wanted, you have 
that proof in their electioneering tricks of hiSt year, 
when, amongst their objections to the electing of a 
Repubhcan, or as they termed it, Democratic Le- 
gislature, they complained of a former Democratic 
Legislature in these memorable words : — " They 
" impaired the q.o\\^'(\\.\xX\o\\2\ provision for the sup- 
^^ port of public worship, by releasing the disaftected 
*' from contributing to the support of permanent 
" teachers of piety, religion, and morality." — That 
is to say, they complained of the " Democrats'** for 
having endeavoured to make Massachusetts, in 
point of religious liberty, what William Penn made 
Pennsylvania, and what Napoleon had made, as 
nearly as he possibly could, France and Italy, and 
all the counties which he had conquered. Here we 
see the REAL ground of the hostility of your 
Priests to the French Republicans, to Napoleon, 
and the Republican party in America. They had 
long enjoyed the benefices of a sort of established 
and dominant church ; they had long been receiving 
compulsory payments for their support ; they had 
long felt agreeable effects of this '* venerable institu- 
tion." The example of France, and the practical 
effect thereof in America, had shaken their hold of 
valuable possessions ; and hence, and hence alone, 
their abuse of the French and Napoleon ; their 
dread of the continuance of his power ; their exul- 
tation at his overthrow ; and their thanksgivings for 
the restoration of those ** venerable institutions" in 
Europe ; those ecclesiastical powers and profits of 
which the French and Napoleon had been the de- 
termined enemies. 

No more need be said. You, the people of Mas- 
sachusetts, who possess so much good sense, who 
have so often exercised that good sense as to other 



( r9 ) 

persons and things, cannot long remain the dupes 
of these hypocrites, who, while they have the de- 
sire of your welfare in the next world, constantly 
on their lips, are manifestly intent upon securing to 
themselves, in this world, ease and plenty at the 
public expense. 

POSTSCRIPT Tt .Wm.COBBETT. 

l^Ubl SCRIPT.— 1 he following is the decree 
ot the king of Spain, re-establishing the inquisition, 
published 111 a supplement to the Madrid Gazette, 
23d of July, 1814. ' 

1 "rT!^^ ^'"S °"'' ^^^^ has been pleased to enact 
the follovving decree. The glorious title of Catho- 
I'c, by which the kings of Spain are distinguished 
among the other Christian princes, because 'they do 
not tolerate in their kingdom any one xvho professes 
another religion than the Catholic Apostolic and Ro- 
man, has powerfully excited my heart to employ all 
the means which God has placed in my hands, in or- 
der to make myself worthy of it. The past troubles 
and war which afflicted all the provinces of the 
kingdom during the space of six \ ears ; the resi- 
dence therein, during that time, oi foreign troobs of 
different sects, almost all infected with ahhorrenoi 
and hatred to the Catholic religion ; and the disor- 
der that these evils always bring with them, toe-e- 
ther with the little care which was taken for some 
time m providing for what concerned the thines of 
religion, gave to the wicked unlimited licensee to 
lye after their free will, and to introduce in this 
kingdom, and fix in many persons, pernicious opin- 
ions, by the same means with which they had been 
propagated m other countries. Desiring, therefore 
to provide a remedy against so great an evil/ and 
preserve in my dominions the holy religion of Jesus 
Christ, which my people love, and in which they 



( 80 ) 

have lived and do live happily, both by the duty 
which the fundamental laws of the kingdom impose 
on the prince which shall reign over it, and I have 
to observe and fulfil, as likewise being the most 
proper means to preserve my subjects from intes- 
tine dissentions, and maintain them in peace and 
tranquillity, I have thought it would be very conve- 
nient in the present circumstances that the tribunal 
of the holy office should return to the exercise of its 
jurisdiction. Upon which subject wise and virtu- 
ous prelates and many corporations and serious per- 
sons, both ecclesiastical and secular, have represen- 
ted to me that it was owing to this tribunal that 
Spain was not contaminated in the lOth century, 
with the errors that caused so much affliction in 
other kingdoms, the nation flourishing at that time 
in all kinds of literature, in great men, in holiness 
and virtue. And that one of the principal means 
employed by the oppressor of Europe^ in order to 
sow corruption and discord, from which he derived 
so many advantages, was to destroy it under pre- 
tence that the light of the age could not bear its con- 
tijiuance any longer ; and which afterwards the 
self-styled general Cortes with the same pretence^ 
and that of the constitution, which they had tumul- 
tuously framed, annulled, to the great sorrow of the 
nation. Wherefore they have ardently requested 
me to re-establish that tribunal ; and, according to 
their requests and the wishes of the people, who, 
from love to the religion of their fathers, have resto- 
red, of their own accord, some of the subaltern tri- 
bunals to their functions, I have resolved that the , 
council of the inquisition, and the other tribunals of 
the holy office, should be restored, and continued 
in the exercise of their jurisdiction, both ecclesiasti- 
cal^ which, at the request of my august predeces- 



( 81 ) 

sors, the pontiffs gave to it, and tlie royals which the 
kings granted to it, observing, in the exercise of 
both, the ordinances by which they were governed 
in 1808, and the laws and processions, which, to 
avoid certain abuses, and moderate some privileges, 
it was mete to take at different times. As besides 
these provisions it may perhaps be suitable to adopt 
others ; and my intention being to improve this es- 
tablishment that the greatest utility may arise to my 
subjects from it, I wish that as soon as the council 
of the inquisition shall meet, two of its members, 
with two others of my royal council, both of which I 
shall nominate, should examine the form and mode 
of proceeding in the causes appertaining to the ho- 
ly office, Mnd the method established for the censure 
and prohibition of books ; and if there should be 
found any thing in it contrary to the good of my 
subjects, and the upright administration of justice, 
or that ought to be altered, it shall be proposed to 
me, that I may determine what shall be proper. 
This communicated for your information, and of 
whom it may concern. 

*' Palace, '2 1st July, 1814. 

*' THE KING. 
** To Don Pedro de Macanaz." 



FROM COBBETT'S WEEKLY REGISTER, OF SEPT. 24. 

American War, — The following account of a 
battle, and of a victory^ on our part, gained over 
the Americans, is, perhaps, the most curious of any 
that ever was published, even in this enlightened 
Lancaster- school country. Before I insert it, let 
me observe, that the scene of action lies in the heart 
of Canada^ though, from the accounts that we have 
had, any one, not armed against the system of de- 
ception that prevails here, must have supposed, 
that there was not a single American remaining in 
Canada. The victory in question is said to have 
been gained near the famous falls of Niagara ; and 
we shall now see what sort of victory it was, accor- 
ding to the account of the commander himself, and 
which account will become a subject of remark, 
after I have inserted it. 

[Here he inserts the British official account of the battle 
of the £5th July, in which they admit a loss of killed 84 — 
wounded 559 — missing 193 — prisoners 42. Total 878.] 

Was I not right, reader, in calling this a curious 
account? Did you ever before hear, except from 
the mouths or pens of some of our own comman- 
ders, of a victory of this sort before ? It is a fault 
which I have always to point out in our histories of 
battles, that we never begin as the historians of all 
other countries do, by stating the strength of the 
armies on both sides. We are left here to guess at 
the force in the field. We are not told what wci' 



{ 83 ) 

even our own strength on the occasion. If Ave had 
been furnished with this information, we should 
have been able to judge pretty correctlv of the na- 
ture of the combat, and of the merits' of the two 
armies. When we find that there has been a total 
loss of 878 men, including a vast proportion of o^^- 
cers, we must conclude that the ** drubbh^'' has 
been on the Ainericans only ; for the army under 
gen. Drummond did not, in all probability, amount 
to more than three or four thousand men ! There 
appears to have been only four battalions of regu- 
lars engaged, which would hardly surpass 2000 
men. What the militia might have amounted to I 
cannot tell ; but as far as I am able to judge from 
the account, I should suppose that we have lost, on 
this occasion, 07ie man out of every five; so that 
this IS a sort of victory that is very cosdy, at any 
rate. But, except in victories of this kind, whoev- 
er heard before of such numbers o^ missing and 
prisoners on the part of the vietors ? When armies 
are dereated, they have, generally pretty lon^ lists 
of missing and prisoners; but when they |ain a 
victory, and, of course, remain masters of the spot 
on which the batde has ^aken place, how odd it is 
to hear that they have so many people taken and 
lo^^ the latter of whom they can give no account 
ot . And especially, how odd it is, that so many 
.ot these taken and lost persons should be omcers 
and officers of very high rank too ! Never, furelv' 
was there before, a victory attended with circum- 
stances so much resembling the usual circumstan- 
ces of a defeat The commander severely wound- 
ed; the second m command severely wounded and 
made prisoner into the bargain : the aid-de-camp to 
the commander m^^^ prisoner ; several colonels 
and lieutenant colonels wounded ; a great number 



( 84 ) 

of officers and men missing and made prisoners. It 
such be the marks of a victori/ gained oyer the 
Americans, I wonder what will be the marks ot a 
defeat, if, unhappily, we should chance to experi- 
ence a defeat? At any rate, taking the matterin 
the most favourable light, what a bioodT/ battle this 
must have been ! To be sure that is a considera- 
tion of little weight with the enemies of freedom, 
who would gladly see half England put to death, il 
they could thereby have their desire of extermina- 
m4 freedom in America gratified. But this is not 
all The battle has not merely been bloody, but 
it has afforded a proof of the determined courage of 
the American army, and leads us to believe, that it , 
we persevere, the contest will be long as vvell as 
bloody ; and it is the length of the contest that we . 
have to fear.— The malignant wise man, who writes | 
in the Times newspaper, expresses great sorrow ^ 
that the - heroes of Toulouse" were not arrived in 
Canada previous to the late victory. But what 
could they have done more than to render the 
- success of our arms complete r And this, we 
are told, was the case without their assistance. 

The same writer, in t^.- same paper, complains 
of the sovereign of Holland for sending an ambas- 
sador to Mr. Madison ; and observes, that, it he 
had waited a/et(^ months, he might have been spar- 
ed the humiliation of sending an embassy to Mr. 
Madison and his set. Hence it would appear that 
this wise man gives our fleets and armies but a 
few months'' to conquer America. It was thus 
that the same sort of men talked in the memorable 
times of Burgoyne and Cornwalhs. But, m those 
times, America had not a population ot two 
millions; she had no government ; the greater part 
of her sea-ports were in our hands ; we had a tourtii 



( 85 ) 

part of the people for us ; and the rest were with- 
out money, and almost without clothing and arms. 
I shall not deny that we may, by the expenditure of 
two or three hundred millions of money, do the 
Americans a great deal of mischief. I dare say 
that we shall burn some of their towns, and drive 
some thousands of women and children back from 
the coast. But, in the mean while, America will 
be building and sending out ships; she will be 
gaining experience in the art and practice of war ; 
she will be pushing on her domestic trade and ma- 
nufactures ; she will be harrassing our commerce 
to death ; and our taxes will he increasing, and an- 
nual loans must still be made. It is provoking, to 
be sure, but it really is so ; that we must leave the 
Americans in the enjoyment of their real liberty ; 
in the enjoyment of freedom, which is no sham ; 
must be content to see their country the asylum of 
all those in Europe who will not brook oppression ; 
we must be content to see America an example to 
every people, who are impatient under despotism, 

or or (dreadful alternative!) we must 

be content to pay all our present taxes, and to have 
new ones added to them ! Nay, after having, for 
several years, made these new sacrifices in the 
cause of " regular government, social order, and 
our holy religion;' it may, possibly, happen, at last, 
that x\merica, will remain unhurt; that, having 
been compelled to learn the art of w\ir, she may be- 
come more formidable than ever; and that, in the 
end, \\tv Jleets, in the space of t^vi years, may dis- 
pute with ours that trident, which we now claim as 
our exclusive property. Already do we hear per- 
sonsj-who were so eager for giving the "- yankees a 

hearty dridjbing ;' ask why this is not* done? 

They are already impatient for the conclusion, be- 

H 



( 86 ) 

fore the beginning has well taken place. They 
ask whij the heroes of Toulouse were not at the 
late victory ? How unreasonable this is ! Just as 
if the government could convey them in a balloon ! 
Besides, were those heroes to have no time for re- 
pose ? Were they to be set on the moment they 
had been taken off? The government, to do it 
justice, have lost no time. They have sent out 
men as fast as they could get them ready. But it 
requires time to transport men, and guns, and hor- 
ses, and oats, and ha}^ and straw, to America ; to 
say nothing about bread, and beef, and pork, and 
butter, and peas, and rice. Nay, we see that they 
had to send out the timbers for ships to Canada, 
where, one would have supposed, there was wood 
enough, at any rate. If we were to get possession 
of New- York I should not be at all surprised to hear 
that the ministers were sending fuel thither for the 
cooking of the men's victuals. This is very differ- 
ent from what was seen in Portugal, Spain, and 
France. We shall find no partizans in America ; 
and especially shall we find nobody to take up 
arms in our cause. All must gojrom this country. 
It is a war of enormous expense ; and we must 
expect to pay that expense. If it comes to a close 
in seven years^ I shall think that we have very good 
luck. The troops who are going out now, and 
who have been held in readiness to go out for so 
long a time, will hardly be able to pull a trigger 
before 7iext June, By that time the Americans will 
have half a milHon of men, and free pien too, in 
arms, and who is to subdue half a million of men, 
armed for the defence of their freedom and their 
homes ? how did the people of France as long as 
the sound of freedom cheered their hearts, drive 
back, hunt, and lash their invaders. And, have 



( 87 ) 

the Americans less courage, or less activity, than 
the French ? How silly is it, then, to expect to 
conquer America in "a few months !" — It is a lit- 
tle strange that the government have published no 
extraordinary gazette^ giving an account of the 
great '-^ victory ^^'' of which Vv^e have been speaking. 
They are not, in general, backward in doing jus- 
tice to our winners of victories. But it is useless 
to say much about it. Time will unfold the truth ; 
and, according to all appearance, we shall have time 
enough to learn ail about the events, as well as the 
effects, of the war against the republicans of Ame- 
rica. It is strange, that we have no account of the 
exact numbers of the prisoners that we ourselves 
have made. If any officers had been taken by uSy 
would they not have been named? And if we 
have taken no officers, while the Americans have 
taken so many of ours, what manner of victory is 
this? 



FliOM COBBETT'S REGISTER OF OCTOBER 29, 1814. , 

American War. — I have, from the first, expres- 
sed my apprehensions as to the end of this war. I 
used .the utmost of my endeavours to prevent it. 
While shut up in a prison, out of which, at die end 
of two long years, I went, with the paying of a thou- 
sand pounds TO THE KING, for having had the in- 
discretion to write about the Hogging of EngHsh lo- 
cal militiamen, at the town of Ely, in England, and 
about the presence of Hanoverian troops upon that 
occasion; while so shut up, the greatest object of 
my efforts was to prevent this ill-fated war, the seeds 
of wliich I saw sown, and the maturity of which I 
saw^ pushed on by those malignant and foul WTCtches, 
the writers of the Times and Courier newspapers. 
This was the way in which 1 employed my daj^s and 
years of imprison mt nt — My efibrts were all in vain. In 
vain did I show the falsehood of the statements and 
the doctrines on which the war whoopers proceeded, 
in vain did I appeal to the reason, and justice, and 
even to the interest of a people, deluded into a sort 
of furor against America. At last, the war took 
place, and the disgrace which we suffered at sea^ 
completed the madness of the nation, who seemed 
to have no other feeling than that of mortification 
and revenge. What ! should the people be suffer- 
ed to live ? Should they be suffered to exist in the 



( 89 ) 

vrorld, who had defeated and captured a British fri- 
gate ? Should those, who had caused the British 
Hag to be hauled down, not be exterminated ? Dis- 
appointment ; astonishment ; fury ! The nation was 
mad. " Bide Britaimia,'^^ the constant call of the 
boasting rabble at places of public resort, was no 
longer called for with such eagerness, and was heard 
with less rapture. The heroes in blue and bufFcar- 
ried their heads less lofty. Their voices seemed to 
become more faint, and their port less majestic. 
They seemed to feel, as men of honour would, up- 
on such an occasion. In short, we all felt, that a 
new era had taken place in the naval annals of the 
world. 

Still, however, the dread of the power of Napo- 
leon restrained many from a wish to see us embar- 
ked in a war for the conquest of America. But, he 
was scarcely subdued by the combined efforts of all 
Europe, when this whole nation cried aloud for war, 
a war of punishment, against the American states. 
And, it was openly declared in the most popular of 
our newspapers, that we ought never to sheath the 
sword, till we had subjugated the states, or, at least, 
subverted their form of government. The pernicious 
example of the existence of a republic, founded on 
2<' revolution, ^vas openly declared to be inconsistent 
with the safety of our government. It was, besides, 
distinctly alledged, that now, now, noxv, or 7iever 
was the time to prevent America from ever having 
a navy. The necessity of destroying her means of 
having a navy has since been repeatedly urged. It 
lias been stated and restated, that our naval power 
must soon come to an end unless we now destroy 
this republic, root and branch. The defeat and cap- 
ture of our fleet, and the defeat of our army on and 
near Lake Champlain, (of which I shall speak more 

' H 2 



( 90 ) 

particularly hereafter) have not at all softened the 
language of the public prints. The Times newspa- 
per, of the 9th inst. calls it *'a lamentable evil to 
the CIVILIZED world;" by which appellation 
these writers always mean KINGLY governments. 
The writer then adds: *' Next to the annihilation of 
" the late military despotism in Europe, the sub- 
** version of that system of fraud and malignity, 
which constitutes the whole policy of the Jeffer- 
sonian school, was an event to be devoutly wish- 
ed by every man in either hemisphere, who re- 
gards rational liberty, or the honourable inter- 
" course of nations. It was an event, to which we 
•* should have bent, and yet must bend all ourener- 
" gies. The American government must be dis- 
" placed^ or it will, sooner or later , plant its poisoned 
*' dagger in the heart of the parent state.^^ Sooner 
or later you see ! The gentleman looks into futii- 
rity. He does not even hint at any terms of peace. 
He plainly says, that we must displace the govern- 
ment of America ; that is to say, change \tsf0r7n and 
nature; subjugate the country, re-colonize it, re-pos- 
sess it. Now mind, the opposition prints do not find 
fciult with this. They do not deprecate such an object 
of the war. — They surpass even their adversaries in 
exulting at the burnings and plunderings. — They 
iind fault, that more mischief has not been done. 

Thus, then, we see what the nation regards as the 
object of the war. I say the nation, because the 
Morning Chronicle, which is the organ Qi\k\^ oppo- 
sition, is just as bitter against America, as are the 
Times and the Courier. — The truth is, that the only 
opposition, as to the war, will arise out of our fai- 
lures. The opposition will only blame the minis- 
ters for not having burnt more ships, plundered 
raore towns, and done more mischief. There is, 



( 91 ) 

indeed, a sort of dread of the le?igth of the war. — 
People are a little disappointed^ that Mr. Madison 
is not yet deposed ; that the states have not yet sepa- 
rated ; that our sons of noble families are not yet 
wanted to go out as governours and captains gene- 
ral to Pennsylvania, New-York, Massachusetts, 
Virginia, &c. Sec. that it will require another cam- 
paign to bring the deluded Americans to their sen- 
ses ; that (and here is the pinch) the income tax will 
be wanted another year, and that another loan must 
be made. But, '* what is 07ie ;;26>r^ year of expense 
at the end of 22 years of war ? And then it will give 
us such lasting peace and security." Thus is fear 
hushed ; and when, in addition, the thought of our 
defeated and captured frigates come athwart the 
mind, the income tax is forgotten, and vengeance, 
war, and blood, is the cry. 

I now proceed to notice more particularly the 
events, which have reached our knowledge since 
the date of my last article upon the subject. — The 
phindering of Alexandria appears to have been the 
most successful of our enterprises. The American 
papers give our people great credit for their talent 
at the emptying of shops, and the embarkation of 
their contents, at which, to do our army and navy 
[especially the latter] but bare justice, we seem to 
have been uncommonly adroit. It seems, however, 
that the squadron, which had the plunder aboard, 
had but a narrow escape in descending the Chesa- 
peake ; but, plunder there was, and a good deal of 
it ; and there can be little doubt, that the success 
and profit of the enterprise will act as great encour- 
agement to future undertakings of a similar des- 
cription ; the only danger being, that the zeal of our 
commanders may push them on faster, than a due 
regard to their safety might otherwise dictate. — In 



( 9£ ) 

an attempt against Baltimore we failed. That is to 
say, we met with a defeat. Not in iht field ; but 
that is nothing to the purpose. VVe marched and 
sailed against the town with all our forces, by sea 
and land, and we were compelled to retreat without 
doing any thing against that town. The town is 
safe; and, if the war end as this expedition has en- 
ded, all the world will agree, that America has de^ 
feated us. We may be sure of this ; and, there- 
fore, we must carry on the war, till we have subdu- 
ed America; or, we must make up our minds to 
the reputation of having been defeated by that re- 
public. A pretty serious alternative ; but it is one 
which must and will exist, and of this we shall be- 
come more and more sensible every day, and parti- 
cularly if we attend to what foreigners say upon the 
subject. 

The expedition of our troops and fleet ag;ainst 
Passamaquoddy and the Penobscot is of a nature 
so trifling as hardl}^ to be worthy of notice. — That 
territory is no more important in America, than the 
isle of Sky is in Great Britain. It is a conquest, 
and so would the isle of Sky be by an American 
privateer. What a figure does this conquest make 
in the Gazette ! What a grand afilnr it appears to 
be ! But, did a thousandth part of the people of 
England ever hear of Passamaquoddy or Penob- 
scot before? It is Baltimore, Charleston, Wil- 
mington, Norfolk, Philadelphia, New-York, Bos- 
ton, that they have heard of. They have been led 
to believe, that the city of Washington is to iVme- 
rica what London is to England, or what Fans is 
to France. Nothing can be more fallacious. There 
are, perhaps, two hundred towns in America, each 
of which is more populous and rich than Wash- 
ington was, or than it was likely ever to be. Be- 



( 93 ) 

sides, we did not keep possession of Washington, 
as the Germans and Russians did of Paris. We 
did not remain there to erect a new government. — 
We only set fire to a few buildings and then re. 
treated. If an American privateer were to set fire 
to a few fishing huts on the coast of Wales, should 
wc look upon it as a very brilliant afiliir ? Yet this 
Washington enterprise was, by the Morning Chro- 
nicle, deemed the most gallant dash of the war ! 
In the " demonstration," as admiral Cochrane calls 
it, against Baltimore, gen. Ross was killed ; and 
some of our papers call this foul play ! '' The fel- 
low,'' says one of them, " took aim at the gallant 
Ross from behind some brush rvood.'' Well, 
and what then ? Do not our troops shoot from 
behind parapets, and walls, and works of all sorts ? 
And do we suppose, that the Americans will not 
make use of a bush when it comes in their way ? — 
If this cri/ing tone be to be indulged in, we shall, I 
fear, cry our eyes out before the war be over. We 
have sent our bombs, and rockets, and rifles, and 
all sorts of means of destruction ; our writers 
blame our ministers for not sending the means of 
knocking down towns fast enough, and shall we 
abuse poor Jonathan if he avail himself of a bush, 
and of his skill at hitting a mark ? Gen. Ross 
hurnt their president's house, and a yankee shot 
gen. Ross. These are things which naturally oc- 
cur ; and, however, we may lament the death of 
any officer, we must reflect that an invaded people 
will shoot at their invaders, unless the former are 
ready to receive the latter as friends. 

Before 1 proceed to notice the late affair on and 
near Lake Champlain, there are some remarks to be 
bestoued on certain characteristic facts which have 
leaked out, and on certain paragraphs in our news- 



( 94 ) 

papers. The Americans are accused of cowardice 
for having retreated before inferior numbers and ta^ 
ken shelter in Baltimore. Why was this cowar. 
dice ? The main object was to defend that great and! 
rich city. The second was to annihilate our army; 
and naval force. To make a long stand in the open 
country, with raw troops, against disciplined soldi^ 
ers, was not the way to eifect either of these pur-i 
poses. The main object was effected, and our re-| 
treat only, probably, prevented the effecting of the| 
latter. The Times newspaper, a few days ago, re-- 
marking on the coxvardice of the Americans, con. 
trasted with the bravery of our army and navy, ob-j 
served that the cause was, that they had no feelings^ 
of patriotism ; that they cared nothing about their^ 
country. Now, what is the ground of this war ? — 
Why, we complained that the Americans harbourec^ 
deserters from our navy ; and they complained that| 
\wt forced native Americajis into our service. This 
fact is notorious to all the world. This fact is re- 
corded in our own official documents. This fad 
makes a part of unquestionable history. Anothei 
fact has just been recorded by this same Times 
newspaper ; namely, that two of our seamen were 
hanged^ on board the fleet in the Chesa})eake, foi 
attempting to desert to the enemy. It is also stated, 
in the same paper (24th Oct.) that about 150 of oui 
soldiers deserted on the retreat from Plattsburg. — • 
Now, let this empty boaster produce instances lik€ 
these, on the side of the Americans, if he can — ai>d 
if he cannot, let him acknowledge himself to be 
either a deluded fool or a deluded knave. But haj 
Jonathan shewn no zeal for his country ? What was 
that act of self-devotion which induced a man tc 
expose his property to certain, and himself to pro- 
bable destruction, by shooting at general Ross and 



( 95 ) 

cilling his horse under him, in the city of Wash- 
ngton, after the town was in possession of our 
roops ? By what feeling was the man actuated who 
l^xposed his life for the sake of killing general Ross, 
ind who must have been almost alone, since he was 
Hidden behind some brushwood ? To what are we 
o impute the capture of 200 young men of the 
'* best families in Baltimore," found in the fore 
Ground defence of their city ? Was greater courage, 
nore desperate devotion to country, ever witnessed 
han at the battle of Chippewa and at Fort Erie ? 
iow comes it, that during the last campaign, we 
iave lost more officers and men, out of twenty 
housand employed, than we ever lost in the Euro- 
Wan war out of one hundred thousand. From what 
eeling was it that Mr, Madison called, as we are 
jold he has, Mr. Rufus King to his counsels, and 
mm what feeling is it that Mr. King has accepted 
if the call? 

" The Morning Chronicle, that camelion of this 
yar, now boasts that it foretold union against us. 
>t never foretold it. It always urged on the war. 
t called, and it was the first to call the burnings of 
Washington a most gallant dash. — However, it is 
'low clear that we have completely united the whole 
country. The bombarding of Stoningt on in Massa- 
chusetts, and Xh^ plundering of Alexandria^ in Vir- 
ginia, have done what all the workings of good sense 
.nd public spirit were not able to effect. Mr. Rufus 
png, whom we regarded as the rival and the impla- 
cable enemy of Mr. Madison, has taken a post under 
ii?n for the defence of his country ; and we shall 
iow see that, amongst those whom we thought our 
riends, we shall find the most resolute enemies, 
^tonington and Alexandria will be constantly before 
fvery American's eyes. I always was opposed to 



( 96 ) 

the war, and to this mode of warfare especially. II 
knew it would produce that which it has produced.] 
I knew it would render trie breach too wide ever to 
be healed again. I knew that It would produce: 
either the total subjugation of Anierica, which It 
tliought impossible, or our final defeat in the eyes of I 
the world, with the ulterior consequence of seeing; 
America a most formidable naval power, which the 
recent events on the borders of Canada seem but too 
manifesdy-to portend. It is quite surprising to whatl 
an extent this nation has been, and still is deluded,, 
with regard to America, and to the nature and effect t 
of this war. It is only fifteen days ago that the 
Courier newspaper contained the following para-> 

graph : 

" There were reports last night of our having at- 
tacked and taken New London, and destroyed ihe 
citv of Baltimore. Both these events cvre probable y 
but there are no arrivals from America later than 
the last despatches from Admiral Cochrane, dated 
on the 3d of last month. But as the wind has been 
fair for some days Ave hourly expect a fresh arrival. 
It must bring news of the greatest importance — 
intellis^ence from Canada — another attack upon 
Fort Erie — another conflict with gen. Brown — per- 
haps a battle with the American gen. Izard — the 
further operations of admiral Cochrane and general 
Ross — the result of the expedition under general 
'Sherbroke — the operations of the Creek Indians 
who had already made their appearance upon the 
frontiers of South Carolina — and '* last not least,'V 
the effect of our late attack upon the minds of the\ 
American people — the steps taken by Mr. Madison,, 
if he ijet remains president, and the measures adopA 
ted by these states that were in a ferment against\ 
the government^ even before the disaster, and wercs 






not indisposed to a separation fiom the otiier states* 
No arrival from America was ever expected with 
more impatience." 

Well, the arrival has taken place. The impati- 
ently expected arrival has taken place. New Lon- 
don has not been attacked. The attack on Baltimore 
h^^ failed. General Ross is /n//<?r/. Admiral Coch- 
rane has arrived at Halifax for tlie winter, with the 
plunder of Alexandria. The effect upon the minds 
of the American people has been such as to unite 
even Mr. King with Mr. Madison, who '' yet re- 
mains president." — No new attack has been made 
on Fort Erie, but the army of general Izard at 
Piattsburg has been attacked by our commander in 
chief, with the '* Wellington heroes" under him, 
with the " conquerors of France" under him, while 
the American Sect was attacked by ours ; and not 
only have both attacks y^z/^^, but we have experi- 
enced a more complete defeat than, as far as I can 
recollect, we ever before experienced, the notable 
affair of the Helder only excepted. Thinking John- 
ny Bull ! You, who were so eager to give the 
yankees a drubbing — you, who were so full of fight 
that nodung but another war would appease you— 
Pray can you tell me how it is that our ministers, 
who have given us such exact accounts about the 
*' gallant dashes" at Washington and Alexandria, 
and who have published such loads of despatches 
and proclamations about the conquest of the Pe- 
nobscot territory, not erjual in population to the 
parish of St. Martins in the Fields ; can you tell 
me how it has happened that this ministry has not 
received^ or at least have not published, the account 
of the land and water batdes at Piattsburg and on 
Lake Champlain, though we have sir George Pre- 
vost's general order, issued after the battle, and 

I 



( 98 ) 

though we have numerous extracts from Canada 
papers, dated many days later than the date of the 
order ! Cannot you tell me this, thinking Johnny 
Bull ! you who, when you heard of the capture of 
Washington City, were for sending out a viceroy 
to the American states ? You, who called the 
Americans cowardly dogs, and hailed the prospect 
of a speedy release from the income tax^ and the 
payment of the national debt by the sale of lands, 
and by taxes raised in America? Well, then, in 
waiting patiently for this official account, we must 
content ourselves with what the newspapers tell us 
they have extracted from the papers of Canada. — 
Letters extracted from the American papers make 
our loss dreadful indeed. General Macomb, the_ 
American commander, is represented to have writ- 
ten to his father, at New-York, telling him that he 
had killed or taken 3000 of our army, and that he 
expected to destroy one half of it. Our newspa- 
pers said that this was false. They also said that 
it wAsJalse that we had any thing like a frigate on 
Lake Champlain, though it now appears that we 
had a ship actually mounting 32 guns, and that the 
largest of the American vessels was rated 28 guns, 
and carried, as we say, 30 guns. But let us take, 
for the present, the account of the Canada papers, 
and look with impatience, but with becoming hu- 
mility, to his majesty's ministers for further infor- 
mation. Thus, then, speak the Canadian printers ; 
thus speak the bitterest enemies of America : 

" Montreal, September 15. 
** You have herewith a copy of the general or- 
der of the 13th inst. to understand which requires 
more than being able to read it. There never was, 
perhaps, such a composition : for, without know- 
ing the result, one might be led to think we had 



( 99 ) 

gained a victory. Report savs that our hero, on 
passing some of the troops on ihe road, was hissed 
by them ; and farther, and which I believe to be 
true, that when the order was given for retreatins-, 
general Power rode uj) to the commander in chief, 
and begged the order for retreating might be recaK 
led, as \^Qw. Brisbane was about storm'ing the fort, 
and would have possession of it in a ^it\N minutes 
—the reply, it is said, was—'' My orders must be 
obeyed," -and then a general retreat took place. I 
do not know ^vith any certainty, having heard no 
one speak on the subject, but it will not surprise me 
if we have lost, one way and another, in this dis- 
graceful alFciir, not less than 800 men. It was a 
fair battle between the fieets : the fort did not play 
on the Con fiance and Linnet, as has been stated.— 
Capt. Pnng, in the Linnet, though agrouud, is said 
to have fought his vessel for a considerable time 
alter the Confiance had struck." 

,, cj • X " %cebec, September 16. 

btories become blacker and blacker, respecting 
our disgrace and misfortunes at Plattsburg. Lieut 
Drew, of the Linnet, is come in here, being paroled 
for tourteen days, states the loss of the fleet to have 
been m a great measure owing to die land forces 
not storming the American fort : there were only 
1,400 men in it, under gen. Macomb, who inform- 
ed captam Pnng, of the Linnet, that every thin^ 
was prepared to surrender on the advance of the 
British army. Report says, that gen. Robinson is 
under arrest— that generals Brisbane and Power 
had tendered their swords to sir G. Prevost— and 
that col. Williams, of the 13th, had declared he 
would never draw his sword again, while under the 
command of sir George. It is said sir George is 
gone to Kingston.": ^ 



( 100 ) , 

Montreal^ Sept. 17. 

** My last letter to you was of date the 14th inst. 
when I had the mortification to inform you of our 
fleet on Lake Champlain being entirely defeated and 
taken by the enemy at Plattsburg, about 70 miles 
from this place, and when we had an army of 14 or 
15,000 regular and brave troops who only wished to 
be allowed to storm the enemy's fort, and which 
every body says would easily have been accom- 
plished, had any other person had the command 
than sir G. Prevost ; we have suifered more dis- 
grace from the incapacity of this man than we will 
retrieve for months to come, let our exertions be 
ever so great. — There were six of our ciTicers killed 
on board of our vessels, and 20 are made prisoners ; 
and besides we must have lost near 100 brave men 
In killed, wounded, and prisoners. It will not sur- 
prise me if the expedition has cost about 500,000/. 
Report now says that sir G. Prevost is going up to 
Kingston, to attack Sackett's Harbour ; but I am 
sure he will not be a welcome visitor in the Upper 
Province. The army retreated most precipitately, 
and are in general at the posts they occupied before 
the expedition took place, with the loss of about 1 50 
deserters on the retreat, besides a vast loss in provi- 
sions and munitions of war. The Wellingtonian 
soldiers say that the hunters and the hounds are ca- 
pital, but that the huntsman and tlie whipper-in are 
two — fools — meaning, I consider, sir G. Prevost 
and his adjutant- general, major E. Baynes. 

We have inserted the general order relating to the 
proceedings of the army and flotilla at Plattsburg. 
Candour must compel every one to confess, that the 
result of the l^te operations has fallen short of even 
** moderate expectations." The battle lasted an 
hour and a half. The force of each squadron, we j 



( 101 ) 

are informed, stands thus: — Britisli, one ship, 
mounting in all 32 guns ; one brig, in all 20 guns; 
two sloops of 70 tons, each 10 guns — and ten gun 
boats. American, one ship, rated 28 guns, carry- 
ing 30 ; one brjg, 24 ; one strong schooner, 18 ; 
three sloops, eacli 10 guns — and twenty-four gun 
boats. The crews, tonnage, and weight of metal, 
are estimated at one-fourth superior on the side of 
the Americans; and we have no reason to doubt our 
information. We have always considered oflensive 
warfare as the best mode of securing peace : and 
recent humiliation has not changed our tone. We 
may be called to defend points Vvhich have hitherto 
not been thought of; and cojisequently the late re- 
treat may not have been ill advised : the fort at 
Piattsburg should, however, have been stormed. — 
That part of the labour would have cost less blood 
and embarassment than was sustained in the retreat; 
a retreat that will tend to rouse the energies of the 
enemy. We might have taken 2000 prisoners, a 
fine train of artillery, and immense stores. 

We are not military men, but we call on " every 
experienced officer" to support or contradict us. If 
we are wrong, we shall take a pride in confessing 
our ignorance. The scientific brave generals, offi- 
cers, and soldiers of the duke of Wellington's army, 
and the others who have before fought in our cause 
in the Canadas, did every thing which depended on 
them to support the noble efforts of their brothers 
on the water. That distinguished officer, general 
Robinson, who has been twice wounded this year 
on the other continent, with part of his gallant bri- 
gade, had braved all danger in an assault. Some of 
the pickets of the fort were torn away, and a few 
mituites more would have given up the fortification 
with an immense train of artilierv, into our hands- 

I 2 * 



( 102 ) 

and every American must have fallen or been made 
prisoner. It was thought necessary to check the 
ardour of the troops, and we must now instantly 
redouble our energies to obtain command of the 
lake, or xvith humility await our future destiny. ^^ 

Thus, then, according to our own accounts, the 
Americans had but 1,500 regulars and 6,000 mili- 
tia, wherewith to make face against 15,000 British 
troops, commanded by 4 major generals and sir 
George Prevost, a general of long experience and 
of great reputation. — On the Lake we say, that the 
Americans had a fourth more than we. Suppose 
they had ! I do not admit the fact ; but suppose 
they had. A fourth ! how long is it since we 
thought a fourth too much ? Every one' knows, 
that sir Robert Calder was disgraced for not pur- 
suing double his force. We are become very nice 
calculators of force. We shall soon hear, I sup- 
pose, that we ought always to keep aloof, unless we 
can count the guns, and know that we have a supe- 
riority. — Fifteen thousand men, seven of them from 
the army of "the conqueror of France!" And 
these drew off from the presence of 7,500 Yankees, 
to whom they were about to give a good drubbing ! 
Why, it will make such a noise in the world ! It 
w ill make such a buz ; it will astound " honest 
.John Bull," who was, only the last market day, 
charging his glass and bragging about sending out 
a viceroy. — The whole Jieet ! What, all! Our 
little ones and all ! .411 at one fell swoop ! It will 
make Johnny Bull scratch his noddle in search of 
brains. The chuckling of honest John at the burn- 
ing of Washington, the plundering of Alexandria, 
and bombarding of Stonington, will be changed into 
grumblings I am afraid. But come, Johnny, you 
must not grumble. You were for the war. It is 



( 103 ) 

vour own war. The ministers are not to blame. 
You insisted upon chastising and hum;)ling the 
Americans. You would have Mr. Madison depo- 
sed. You said he had sided with Napoleon. You 
said what was/^r^/^, Johnny ; but that's no matter. 
You called upon the ministers to depose him. This 
I will always say, and can at any time, prove against 
you. — The consequences of this victory of the 
Americans must be very important. Sir George 
Prevost is blamed, and, indeed, abused, while the 
officers oi' the fleet, the defeated and captured fleet, 
are complimented to the skies. When will this 
folly cease ? When shall we cease to be so basely 
unjust ? What would have been said of sir George 
if he had had his army blown into the air, or cut to 
pieces ? If he and all his army had been captured, 
what would have been said of him and of that 
army ? Yet this has happened to the fleet, and the 
fleet ^re complimented ! While he, who has saved 
a great part of his army, notwithstanding the defeat 
of the fleet, is censured and abused ; is called 2ifool, 
and almost a coward ! Sir George PreVost is nei- 
ther fool nor coward. He is a man of great merit, 
is of long standing in the service, has served with 
great success ; and he has shown great ability in 
being able, with so small a force as he has hitherto 
had, to preserve a country generally inhabited by a 
people by no means zealous in their own defence, 
or rather, that of their territory. Let any one" look 
at the situation of Lake Champlain. It extends in 
length 150 miles, perhaps, running above the state 
of Vermont, and entering our province of Lower 
Canada in line pointing towards Quebec. It was 
very desirable to drive the Americans from the 
command of this Lake, which may be called their 
high road to Montreal and Quebec. It is the great 



channel for their army, their provisions, their guns, 
to pass along ; and, complete the sole masters of 
this Lake, it is not easy to conceive liow they are 
to be kept from Quebec without aver?/ large army 
from England, if the Americans had been defeat- 
ed upon the Lake, or had been compelled to retire 
to the Vermont end of it, then to have driven back 
their army also, would have been an object of vast 
importance ; nor would great loss in the attack, on 
our part, have been an irretrievable loss, or been 
followed by any extremely great danger. But when 
our fleet was not only defeated but actually captur- 
ed, and gone off' to double the force of the Ameri- 
cans, even the certain defeat of their army could 
have led to no beneficial result. We must still 
have abandoned Plattsburg ; the fleet of the enemy 
would have speedily brought another army to any 
point that they wished, an<4 would have placed that 
army 50 or ()0 miles nearer Quebec than our army 
would have been. But, if, by any chalice, we had 
been defeated hy land after the defeat on the water, 
the loss of *a// Canada would, and must have been 
the consequence, if the Americans had chosen to 
conquer it, which, I dare say, they would. There- 
fore, it appears to me, that sir George Prevost act- 
ed the only part which a sensible man, under such 
circumstances, couldhave, for one moment, thought 
of. He risked every thing in the attack, and if he 
succeeded, he gained nothing worth having. The 
loss of half his army, which was the case of the 
storming of Fort Erie, would have exposed him, 
even in case of success to great peril. The Ame- 
ricans could have immediately poured an army (by 
means of their fleet) more numerous than his into 
Lower Canada ; they could have poured in, all the 
winter, militia and volunteers, from the populous 



( 105 *) % 

and brave republican state of Vermont, while our 
governor had, affd could have, no hopes of receiv- 
ing reinforcements till the middle of next summer. 
For supposing us to have spare troops at Halifax, 
they could hardly sail thence before the middle of 
October, and before they might reach Quebec, the 
ice in the St. Lawrence might have scuttled or 
foundered their vessels. The St. Lawrence, our 
only channel to Canada from England or from Ha- 
lifax, is full of mountains of ice till thp month of 
June. I have seen a large mountain of ice off the 
mouth of that immense river on the 15th of June. 
I believe, that no vessels of any considerable size 
ever attempt the navigation of that river much be- 
fore June. In what a situation, then, would our 
governor have been placed if he had met with any 
serious loss in the storming of the fort at Platts- 
burg ? And yet he is censured and abused for re- 
treating, after the total capture of our co-operating 
fleet, while the officers of that fleet are praised to the 
skies* 

About three weeks ago, just after we beard of the 
burnings of Washington City, I met sir George Pre- 
vost's waggon, between Portsmouth and Hay ant. 
The carter was whistling along by the side of some 
nice fat horses. I could not help observing to my 
son how much happier this fellow was than his mas- 
ter, who had to govern Canadians and fight Ameri- 
cans. It is easy to talk about the *' heroes of Tou- 
louse^^'* forming part of his army. '* The heroes of 
Toulouse" are said to have remonstrated against tlie 
retreat. They are said to have expresstHil a desire 
to storm the fort. Sir George Prevost would, I dare 
say, have been of the same mind, if he had had rea- 
son to suppose, that one half of the people within, 
were, as the people of Toulouse were, ready to join 






{^'106; ) ^^^ 



p-'0 



him. But he well knew the contrary. He knew, 
that he had to get into the fort thn5uiih\'a river of 
blood. He had just seen the fate of oujr fleet* and 
he knew, as " the heroes of Toulouse " might have 
known, that the men in the fort were of the same 
stamp as those upon the water. We now find from 
a detailed statement in the American papers, com- 
ing from authority, and accompainied by an account 
of killed and wounded in the naval battle on the lake, 
that our fleet had 93 guns and 1,050 men, while that 
of America had but 86 guns and 820 men ; our fleet 
was all taken but the gun boats, carrying 16 guns 
amongst them all. And yet the naval people are 
praised, while sir George Prevost is censured. 
Whence arises this injustice ? Whence this secur- 
ity of the navy from all censure, and even from all 
criticism ? Do we feel that to censure any part of it 
is to discover to the world that it is not always in- 
fallible ? Do we suppose, that in discovering our 
fears of its inferiority, in point of quality, to that of 
America, we shall make the world pierceive the la- 
mentable fact ? Are we fools enough to hope that the 
history of this battle can be hidden from France and 
the rest of Europe ? Why, then, this injustice ? Why 
not blame the naval part of the forces, if blame must 
fall somewhere ? I see no necessity for its falling 
ani/ where, for my part. We had 84 men killed 
and 110 wounded, which shews that there was some 
fighting. We had double the number killed and 
wounded that Jonathan had, which, shews that 
Jonathan was the more able bodied and active of 
the two. A letter was, a little while ago, publish- 
ed as from one of our officers in the Chesapeake Bay, 
saying, that Jonathan must now look pretty sharp- 
ly about him. It appears from the result of this bat- 
tle, that Jonathan does look pretty sharply about 



( 107') J^ 



hfrh. Now^ ^^]SP' ^^^ "^ ^^^^ what effect this event 
has had upon the Times newspaper, which, only a 
few weeks %go, insisted on it, that the American 
government must be displaced, that the Americans 
were cowards, that they cared nothing about their 
countr}^, and that the states would soon divide, and 
come over, one at a time, to the parent country. 
Now let us hear what this torch-bearer of the war, 
this trumpet of fire and sword, provoker to every act 
of violence and cruelty. Let us hear what he now 
has to say ; he, who has, for three years past, been 
urging the government on to this disastrous contest. 
" Halifax papers to the 6th instant. New- York to 
" the 22d ult. and Boston to the 25th, have been re- 
** ceived. There is no dissembling that the popu- 
** lar outcry in Canada against sir George Prevost's 
** conduct, on occasion of the late operations against 
** Plattsburg, is very general and very loud. We 
** cannot pretend to determine on the talents of this 
*' officer, or on the wisdom of his plans ; but we re- 
*' cur to the suggestions which we made at a very 
*' early period of the campaign, and regret exceed- 
" ingly that one of our most experienced generals 
** from Spain was not sent at once, flushed with 
" victory from the fields of Toulouse, to the heart 
** of the United States. Was it beneath the digni- 
** ty of lord Hill or even of the duke of Wellington ? 
** Fatal prejudice ! To despise^ to irritate, and, 
** after all, not to subdue our adversaries, is the worst 
** and weakest of all policy. Now we have redu- 
** ced ourselves to this dilemma of being obliged to 
** carry our point by main force, or to retire from 
** the contest ten times worse than we began it, with 
,^^ the mere postponement of an abstract question, 
:** which has no reference to our present state of 
** peace, xvith a fund of the bitterest animosity laid 



W (' 108 ) 

^* i£p against us in future^ with o^r flag disgraced 
** on the ocean and on the lakes y and with the laurels 
** withered at Plattsbiirg, which were so hardly but 
" so gloriously earned in Portugal, and Spain, and 
** France. — The spirit of the British nation cannot 
^^ stoop to the latter alternative ; and therefore, at 
''''whatever risk^ at whatever expense^ we must 
^'' embrace the former. The invaluable year 1814, 
*' when the treachery of America was fresh in the 
*' rninds of the Europeon powers, is past. — Already' 
** do they begin to relax in their deep and merited 
** contempt of the servile hypocrite Madison. — Al- 
** ready do they turn a compassionating look on the 
*' smoking rafters of the would-be capital. Pre-j 
*' sently, perhaps, the Russian cabinet may forget 
" that the empress Catharine, to her dying day, • 
" treated the Americans as rebels to their legal sov-^ 
*' ereign ; or the Spanish court, while it is endea- 
" vouring to rivet its yoke on Buenos Ayres, may 
"join with the philosophers of Virginia, in con- 
** tending for the liberty of the seas. Such, and 
" still greater political inconsistencies we have be- 
*' fore now witnessed. Therefore let time be taken ^ 
** by the forelock ; let not another campaign be was- 
" ted in diversions arid de?nonstrations ; let not ano- 
** ther autumnal sun go down m disgrace to tIie 
"BRITISH ARMS. Commodorc Macdonough's 
" laconic note savors a little of affectation : but we 
" are sorry he has so favourable an opportunity for ' 
" displaying the brevity of his style to advantage. — 
"Gen. Macomb's orders, however, are sufficiently \ 
^^ lengthy ; m^dy unfortunately, he also has some- 
" unpleasant information to give us. He states that 
" 14,000 British veterans have been foiled by 1,500 
" American regulars and some few militia, the ] 
" whole not exceeding 2^500 men. If he is correct 



( lOD ) * 

'' in these estimates, it is surely high tSjpne that we 
" should either give up teaching the Americans war, 
*' or send them some better instructors." The 
former is the best, be assured ! Why should com- 
modore Macdonough be charged with affectation, 
because he writes a short letter ? Be has no sons 
or cousins, or patron's sons or cousins, or bastards, 
to recommend for the receipts of presents or pen- 
sions. But I have, at present, no room for further 
comment on this article. I will resume the subject 
in my next. 



FROM COBBETT'S WEEKLY REGISTER, OF OCT. 29, 1814. 

Retaliation, — A great deal has lately been said in 
the French, in the American, and in our own news- 
papers, about the destructive mode of warfare now 
waging in Canada, and in the United States. The 
two former have employed the most violent invec- 
tives against our government, on account of the 
burning of Washington, and other places, while we 
have set up, as a justification of these rigorous mea- 
sures, the plea of retaliation — that is to say, have 
alleged that the burning and ransacking of defence- 
less towns, and the carrying away of private pro- 
perty from our provinces in Canada, began with the 
Americans ; and that what our troops have since 
done, what houses they have set fire to, what pro- 
perty they have taken away, and what numbers of 
innocent people they have ruined, instead of being 
either wanton, barbarous, or unjust, was a fair reta- 
liation for the injuries they have done us, and per- 

K 



* ( 110 ) 

fectly consistent with the established laws of nations. 
If the practice of shedding human blood in battle is 
at all justifiable, I do not see why one nation has a 
right more than another, of deviating from the com- 
mon and prescribed rules of carrying on this work 
of destruction. I cannot admit, because one peo- 
ple, who call themselves civilized, should, in qrder 
to get the better of their neighbours, take it into 
their head to copy the practices of savages and bar- 
barians, that the others have not an equal right to 
adopt the same practices. The one having, in a 
moment of frenzy, employed an instrument to cut 
his neighbour's throat, different from that which, in 
cold blood, he had agreed to use in the performance 
of this humane act, it seems to be only fair play that 
his opponent should satiate his thirst for human gore 
in a way, at least, as horrible and savage as his neigh- 
bour. Were the party who had been provoked to 
seek his revenge in a still more terrible manner, per- 
haps something might even then be offered in his 
vindication. At all events, if the Americans were 
really guilty, in the first instance, of the wanton and 
dreadful outrages of which we accuse them; if they 
set the example of devastation and barbarity, of which 
we so loudly complain, and under which we shelter 
ourselves for the commission of similar outrages, I 
am quite satisfied that they have suffered nothing 
more than they deserved, and that the French peo- 
ple, in place of assimulating us to Attila and his 
Huns, or Robespierre and his bravadoes, ought, in 
justice, to draw the comparison between these inhu- 
man monsters and the Americans themselves. 

But there is a circumstance which, it is necessa- 
ry, should be attended to in determining this im- 
portant question, namely, whether the acts and deeds 
of the Americans, which serve as a plea for the 



( HI ) 

» 

dreadful revenge we have taken, were unauthorized, 
or afterwards sanctioned, by the American govern- 
ment. If it appeared tliat these cruelties were com- 
mitted, in consequence of an order from the secre- 
tary of war, or any other person holding a responsi- 
ble situation in the government, then there would 
be no room for doubt ; the question would be de- 
cided against the x\mericans,^and Great Britain stand 
acquitted in the eyes of the universe. If, however, 
it should turn out, that neither Mr. Madison, nor 
any individual connected with his government, di- 
rectly or indirectly, issued such an order, candour 
will compel us to acknowledge, that we have been 
rather rash in the severe censures we have pronoun- 
ced upon the American government. — But if, upon 
further enquiry, we fi!|d, that every thing has been 
done by that government which prudence could 
dictate, or which we ourselves could devise, to soften 
the rigours of the war ; if it should appear, that tlie 
American president, anticipating the dreadful evils 
consequent on a state of hostility, adopted precau- 
tionary measures, iti order to ameliorate the condi- 
tion of the invaders as well as the invaded ; if we 
should discover, that where any thing contrary to 
the usages of war, any of those violences insepara- 
ble from a state of warfare, occurred, the individu- 
als engaged in these, or who may have exercised any 
unnecessary severity, were brought to trial, or pu- 
nished for the impropriety of their conduct. If, I 
say, such should appear to have been the way in 
which the American government have acted in such 
cases, it will be impossible to condemn Mr. Madi- 
son upon just grounds, or to clear us of those charges 
of cruelty, barbarity, and wanton precipitancy, which 
our neighbours have so lavishly brought against us. 
The Courier, and all our hireline: tribe of iournwils. 



( 112 ) 

following its example, have stated, that " froDSr^lie 
*' first invasion of Upper Canada by the American 
" forces, under brigadier general Hull, they mani- 
** fested a disposition of marking out, as objects of 
*' peculiar resentment, all loyal subjects of his ma- 
*' jesty, and dooming their property to plunder and 
" conflagration." That the Americans invaded Up- 
per Canada after war had broken out between the 
two countries, is a fact we cannot doubt ; but that 
they should behave in the manner here pointed out; 
that they should shew peculiar resentment towards 
some of the inhabitants merely because they were 
loyal subjects, and doom their property to destruc- 
tion, for no other reason than that they were attach- 
ed to their lawful sovereign, is what no reasonable 
person will believe, who knows any of the respect 
the American ministers have always shewn to the 
government of other states, and the extraordinary 
devotion of the people to their own political insti- 
tutions. The charge indeed has been held so ab- 
surd by the Americans, that they have never deign- 
ed to notice it, although they have uniformly met 
all general and undefined accusations with a digni- 
fied denial, and an explicit call upon their accusers 
to embody their charges in some tangible shape. 

Finding that this manly vvay of silencing calumny 
had its proper effect, our corrupt press then pretend- 
ed to discover, in certain acts of the American army 
a sufficient ground not only on which to rest their 
former accusations, but to wari'ant the adoption of 
these destructive measures that have lately attended 
our naval and military operations. It was said, that 
the proceedings of the Americans at the village of 
Newark, in Upper Canada, were marked with acts 
of the greatest atrocity, such as burning and destroy- 
ing the farm-houses, and other buildings, of the 



( 113 ) 

peaceable inhabitants. " It will hardly be credit- 
ed/* said the servile writer of the Courier, " that, 
*' in the inclemency of a Canadian winter, the troops 
" of a nation calling itself civilized and christian, 
** had wantonly, and without the shadow of a pre- 
" text^ forced 500 helpless women and children, to 
" quit their dwellings, and to be the mournful spec- 
*' tators of the confiagation and total destruction of 
** all that belonged to them." When this writer 
affected, in this hypocritical manner, to lament the 
success he has so pathetically described, he took 
special care not to inform his readers, that the vil- 
lage of Newark was situated so close to Fort George, 
that it was scarcely possible to carry on military 
operations at that place, either of a defensive or 
offensive nature, without destroying many of the 
surrounding buildings. Accordingly, when it was 
said, that the American officer commanding at Fort 
George had exceeded the bounds of propriety, he 
justified himself on the ground, that the measures 
he had taken were essentially necessary to the mili- 
tary plans he had adoj)ted. It is plain, from an en- 
quiry having been ordered by the American govern- 
ment into this officer's conduct, that it gave no au- 
thority to act rigorously towards the inhabitants of 
our states. But what establishes this beyond all 
controversy is, that on this very occasion, the Ame- 
rican minister openly and distinctly disavowed all 
intensions of carrying on war contrary to the estab- 
lished practice of civilized nations. Supposing:, 
therefore, w^hat does not even appear to be the case, 
that the American officer had, in this instance, been 
guilty of some violence, or had even done all the 
mischief of which he is accused, this wojld not 
afford a ground on which to blame the government, 
when it cannot be shewn that it sanctioned his acts 

K 2 



V 114 ) 

cither by previous orders or a subsequent approval. 
Aware of the conclusive nature of this fact, the 
Courier now attempts to shelter itself under the fal- 
lacious pretence, that the destruction of the houses 
at Newark '' could in no degree assist the Americkin 
operations," and that, when Mr. Monroe made his 
statement, *' he htew it to be totally false.'''' 

I leave it to the reader to judge, whether the edi- 
tor of the Courier, or the American secretary of 
state is entitled to the greatest credit, or which of 
them is the most likely to be possessed of correct 
information on the subject. Could 1 suppose that 
the prefcrrence would be given to tlie former, I 
would still maintain that the bare Jcnoxvledge of these 
outrages having been committed, would prove no- 
thing. It must be distinctly shewn that they were 
authorized by the government, before they can be 
held as warranting the steps we have taken. As 
this is not even pretended by the Courier, it must 
continue an established fact, that the American go- 
vernment was not the first aggressor, and conse- 
quently, that we cannot pleiid their example in jus- 
lilication of our conduct. It lias been said, that tlie 
burning of Long Point completely implicates the 
American government. But it is only necessary, 
as in the last instance, to produce the evidence of 
their having sanctioned the (\(i^(l, to admit the con- 
clusion drawn from it. The American government 
has repeatedly declared, that this act was totaliv un- 
authorized; and to shew their ei:itire disapprobation 
of it, tliey dehvcred up the officer, under whose or- 
ders it was performed, to I)e tried by the laws of his 
country, "But (asks the Courier) what was the 
result? This is ^-/'.vr/zoz/.s/// concealed." — Supposing 
the officer acijuittcd o^ the cliarge, what wouid the 
Courier say to this ? Would he have the impudence 



( ilj ; 

to assert, that the government ought to be held cul- 
pable, and the people visited with the most dread- 
ful of all calamities, because the tribunals establish- 
ed by law had not considered tht evidence suffici- 
ent to convict the accused. Oi what consequence 
is it to our government, or how flir is it held impli- 
cated in the issue of a court martial, whether \he 
party tried be found innocent or guilty ? Have not 
ministers done their duty, when they deliver up the 
accused to be tried by' his proper 'judges ? Who 
ever thinks of connecting them,'after this step, with 
the judgment that may be pronounced ? Would the 
Courier writer wish us to believe that ministers do 
influence the decisions of the judges? Does he mean 
to insinuate, that juries are not beyond the influence 
of corruption ? li he does not : if^ as he always pre- 
tends, he entertains a high opinion of the integrity 
of oiu' judges, and a reverence for the trial by jury; 
if he considers it a direct violation of the constitu- 
tion to interfere with their verdicts; upon what prin- 
ciple is it that the American .e^overnment should be 
blamed, and the people pimished for shewing the 
same respect for the decii,ions of their judges, and 
the same deference for the verdicts of their juries? 
How can we censure or punish the Americans upon 
these grounds, without censuring and punishing the 
government and the people of' this country also? 
Let the Courier, or his admirers, answer these ques- 
|tions, if they can. 

1^ Another ground of retaliation, urged by corrup- 
:tion against the American government, was the 
burning of St. David's. This, it appears, was done 
by a straggling party of soldiers, who, finding them, 
selves freed from all restraint, conceived they had 
a right to plunder and destroy fc very thing that came 
in their way belonging to die enemy. Have we not 



( 116 ) 

heard of thousands of such parties in the recent war 
on the continent ? And has not every newspaper in 
Europe dwelt with indignation on the atrocities 
committed by loose bands of soldiers belonging to 
all the armies of tiie belligerents ? But who ever pre- 
tended that any of the governments, or any of the 
nations to which these insolated parties of marauders 
belonged, should be so far held responsible for their 
acts, as to be placed beyond the protection of the 
law of nations, and to be made to suffer for crimes 
which they could neither foresee nor prevent ? It 
w^as enough that the guilty were made to suffer. In 
ordering this, the nation to whom they belonged did 
all that was incumbent on them to do, and all that 
could reasonably be required by the injured parties. 
The American government acted precisely in the 
same way. The officer who had the charge of the 
party that burned St. David's was dismissed from 
the service ** without a trial, for not preventing it." 
I think this was an arbitrary strt cth of power. No 
man ought to be punished without a trial, great 
and however palpable his crime. To admit a con- 
trary practice is opening a door that may lead to 
great abuses, and I am sorry to find the fact admit- 
ted by an American secretary of state. But ag- 
gravated as this officer's was by this breach of law 
and justice, the Courier wTiter would have it be- 
lieved, that it was not half severe enough. ("Was that 
an adequate punishment," lie asks, '* for such an 
unprovoked enormity ?") Thanks to the enlighten- 
ed minds of those who framed the American code 
of laws, that it was considered an adequate punish- 
ment. To judge from the sanguinary disposition 
of this corruptionist, it appears that nothing would 
have satisfied him short of burning the wrecth alive; 
and because gome such punishment as this was not 



( nr ) 

inflicted, he now pretends that Madison's govern- 
nnent ought to be implicated in the affair of St, 
David's and that a circumstance so manifestly un- 
controlable, and so clearly unauthorized by any pro- 
per authority, is sufficient to countenance the plea 
we have set up in justification of the dreadful suf- 
fering we have inflicted on the American people ! 
If we were to form our opinions of the Americans, 
upon what this prostituted writer tells us, we could 
not fail to consider them the most barbarous, the 
most immoral, and the most uncultivated race of 
men existing on the face of the earth ; yet with all 
their ignorance, and all their savage propensities, 
we do not perceive that their rulers have been so 
stupidly precipitate as tither to proclaim the inhabi- 
tants of countries they invaded beyond Xht protection 
of the law, or to treat them as if they had been their 
own subjects, in open rebellion against the state. 
The cases already alluded to evidently do not war- 
rant the conclusions drawn by the Courier, unfav- 
orable to the humanity of the Americans ; and if we 
are disposed to give a candid hearing to what they 
themselves have published in their own defence, 
we shall soon be convinced, that they are neither 
barbarous nor inhuman ; that they are as well ac- 
quainted with the science of politics, and entertain 
as great a respect for the established laws of na- 
tions, and the rights of particular states, as the most 
civilized and christain people in Europe. It ap- 
})ears, indeed that their superior acquirements, com- 
bined with an ardent attachment to liberty, is the 
cause of great hatred and rancor constantly display- 
ed, in our newspapers, against all their institutions. 
We envy the Americans because they excel us, 
and from envy proceeds enmity. — Nor do the re- 
cent triumphs which they have obtained over our 



( 118 ) 

fleets and armies, and the imposing attitude theyi? 
have in consequence assumed, appear in everyr 
degree to lessen the deep rooted malice entertained!' 
against them by a great majority in this country..] 
Disaster seems to have no other effect than to con-' 
firm popular prejudices ; the public have no wishi 
to be undeceived, and the man that dares attempt 
to tell them the truth is sure to be treated with con- 
tempt, and to be looked upon as a suspected per-j 
son, who, like the nation whose rights he defends,, 
ought to be punished for his laudable efforts. With; 
such dispositions, it is no way surprising that the: 
conductors of our vile press fiiid admirers. They 
flatter their passions, they feed their appetite for 
lies, they nourish their hatred, and they rekindle^ 
their fury, whenever circumstances occur to recon- 
cile them to the former objects of their hate. From 
this dreadful but no less faithful picture of the pre- ; 
sent state of society, one would be almost compel- ' 
led to conclude, that man was naturally a savage! 
animal. It is not, however, from the corruption of j 
his nature that these evils spring ; they are occa- 1 
sioned by corrupt institutions, by perverted systems i 
of education, by inexorable laws that interested,! 
cheats have every where promulgated, and that can 
never be overcome until mankind return to reason.i 
the only sure guide to virtue, to peace, and to hap-: 
piness» 



FROM COBBETT'S REGISTER OP JANUARY 21, 1815, 

America. — Peace being now happily concluded 
with the country of freedom, it will not be necessa- 
ry for me to occupy so large a portion of the Re- 
gister as I lately have, with observations relating to 
it. — But, still this country, now nearly as much 
above all others in military and naval prowess as 
she is, and long has been, in civil, religious, and 
political liberty ; still this favoured country, this 
asylum and example to the oppressed of all other 
nations, must continue to be a deeply interesting 
object with every one, whom I wish to see amongst 
my readers. I shall, therefore, in future, write of 
the affliirs of America under one general rule, num- 
bering the -several articles from No. I. onwards. 

Previous to the war, I wrote several articles, under 
the form o^ Letters, and otherwise ; during the war 
a great many more. And, I am of opinion, if all 
-these were collected together, from the month of 
I July, 1810, to the 14th of this present month of 
[January, 1815, they would be found to contain as 
igood a history of this important struggle, as is 
ilikely to appear in any other shape. — The rise, the 
progress, the termination, are all here to be found 
very amply detailed. The views on both sides ; 
the passions, the prejudices ; the means made use 
of to delude the people of England. The effect of 
the result of the contest on men's minds. All will 
here be found to have been faithfully recorded ; 



{ 120 ) 

that is to say, as far as I have dared to go ; and for 
the restraint, which I have l^een under, and for 
which no human ingenuity could have compensa- 
ted, the judicious and impartial reader will make as 
suitable allowance.— This, however, is only said as [ 
to our side of the water; for, in the country of free- 
dom, the naked truth will be told. There every 
man will write and publish what he pleases; 
there discussions will be really free ; there no man 
will tremble while he writes ; and there truth must 
and will prevail. It is often observed, ihdX history^ 
to be impartial, must be written long after the date 
of the events of which it is a record. This is a 
strange notion. It is so contrary to every rule of 
common life, that it naturally staggers one. If we 
want to keep our accounts, or the records of any 
proceedhigs in life, accurately, we never lose a mo- 
ment in minuting the facts down as they occur. If 
evidence is given from a written paper, it must, to 
make the evidence good, have been writteri at the 
moment that the facts occurred. How strange, then is 
it, that, for history to be true, that it must be writ- 
ten a century, or two, after the period to which it 
relates ; that is to say, that, to come at the real] 
truth of any national occurrence, in order to arrive^' 
at a just decision upon the conduct of a nation, you 
must enter upon the inquiry after all the witnesses 
are dead, and after all the springs, hidden from 
common eyes, and which no man has dared to re- 
cord an account of in print, are wholly forgotten, 
and sunk, for ever, out of sight.— ^It is said, that, at 
the time when the events occur, the historian is too- 
near to the passions and prejudices of the times, and! 
is too likely to partake of them. But, at a hun-' 
dred years after the events, what has he to refer to; 
Ifui-writingsofthe times; and how then is he more* 



{ 121 ) 

likely to get at the truth ? We suppose the histo- 
rian to seek earnestly for truth; and is he more 
likely to get at it, when all the springs are forgot- 
ten and all the witnesses dead, th^n when he has ac- 
cess to them all ? The real state of the case is this : 
the historian dares not WTite a true history of 
present events, and a true description of the cha- 
racter of public institutions, establishments, laws, 
and men, in any country except America. Truth, 
in England, may be a libel ; libels are punished 
more severely than the greatest part of felonies, as 
my lord Folkstone shewed, in the house of com- 
mons, froni an examination of the Newgate Calen- 
der; and, it is well known, that in answering a 
charge of libel, the truth of what you have writ- 
ten or published, is not allowed even to be gi- 
ven IN evidence. This is the real, and the 
only ground for pretending, that history ought to 
be written long after the period to which it relates. 
But, how are you bettered by length of time ? It is 
2. libel here to speak evil of the dead. The dead 
villain must not, if it give oftence to certain per- 
sons, be truly characterized ; and, remember, that 
the sources, to which the historian has to refer, are 
precisdy those which have been created under this 
law of libel. 

In the great republic of America, the case is 
wholly different. There any man may publish any 
thing that he pleases of public measures, or public 
men, provided that he confine himself to truth in 
what he asserts to be facts. There any opinions 
may be published ; but here, even opiniotis expose 
writers, printers and publishers to punishment; 
and, observe, that that which a man may say 
in a private letter, is held to be published, and if 
determined to be libellous, liable to punishment. 



( 122 ) 

Well may we hdd it to be a maxim, that the writing 
of history ought to be delayed until a remote period ; 
but it would be a much more sensible maxim, that 
iio history, written under such circumstances, (with 
a law that punishes libels on the dead) ought ever 
to be regarded as any thing better than a sort o^ po- 
litical romance. There is no reason, however, why 
a history of this war, should not immediately be 
written, and published in the republic, with whom, 
thank the ministers, and the president, and the . 
brave republicans, we are now at peace. From that ' 
country we may now receive such a history. It '^ 
might be a little too strong to be published here ; or 
even to be ^o/(/here. But those who wished for copies 
might get them tlirough private channels ; though, 
I ought to observe, for the good of the unwary, 
that to lend?i book, or, to shew a book to another 
person, is to publish a book in the eye of our sharp * 
sighted libel law. 

Nevertheless, if some able and animated pen, set \ 
to work on this fine subject, a subject so closely 
connected with the cause of freedom all over the , 
world, there is no doubt of its obtaining circulation, \ 
even in England ; and while it would be sure, by J 
means of a French translation, to be read all over 
the Continent, where it must produce a prodigious 
effect. But I hope to see nothing of the maudling 
kind ; nothing of the milk and water ; nothing of 
the '-^gentlemanly'"'^ sort; no mincing of the matter. 
But, a real, triie^ history, applying to persons and 
acts the appellations which justice assigns them. — 
If such a work were published, rather than not pos- j 
sess a copy, I would make one of my sons traverse ^ 
the Atlantic, expressly to fetch it to me. I hope. A, 
however, that some man in America, who feels 1 
upon the subject as I feel, will take the trouble to 



( 123 ) 

convey to me by a safe hand, (not through the post 
office) a copy or two of the first work of the above 
description that shall appear. But mind, I should 
despise any history which should not speak of all 
the actors, on both sides, without the smallest re- 
gard of the humbug and palaver of the day, apply- 
ing to their actions and their characters, and their 
motives, tht plainest as well as the truest of epithets 
and terms. I am not much disposed to be unhap- 
py. I never meet calamity half way. 

But really, such a work ; the reading of such a 
work, and hearing my children read it, would make 
up for years of misery, if I had passed such — and it 
would be much more than a compensation for all 
the sufferings of my life. In short, I have set my 
heart on this thing, and, if I am disappointed, I shall 
be grieved more than I ever yet have been ; ten 
thousand times more than I was, when I heard the 
sentence of Judge Grose on me of two years impri- 
sonment in Newgate, a thousand pounds fine to the 
king, and seven years bound to good behaviour af- 
terwards, in bonds of 5,000 pounds, for having writ- 
ten about the flogging of English local militia at Ely, 
and about German dragoons. But, why should I 
be disappointed ? Have I not, if no one will take 
up the pen, a son to take it up in the cause of truth 
and liberty ? The world is wide ; and now it is 
open. ^ In the mean while let us not neglect that 
which is yet within our own power. ' We ought to 

keep the republic constandy before our eyes. • 

Though we make her less the subject of observa- 
tion than we have done for some time past, we ought 
never to lose sight of her. The enemies of liberty 
are always on the watch to assail, through her 
sides, the object of their mortal hatred ; and, there- 
fore, we ought to lose no occasion ot facing and of 



( 124 ) 

fighting them. In order to facilitate reference, and 
to give something of uniformity of arrangement to 
the matter in the Register, relating to America, I 
intend to insert, under one general head, all such 
matter of my own writing, and to mention under 
that general head the several topics treated of, in the 
following manner. 

No. L 

Mr. Hunt's motion and sir John Cox Hippisley's speech 
respecting America. 

At a meeting of tlie county of Somerset, on the 9th 
instant, a curious occurrence took place with regard 
to the peace with America. I will first give the ac- 
count of it from the Times newspaper of the 16th in- 
stant, and make on it such observations as most natu- 
rally present themselves. The reader should first be 
informed, however, that the meeting was held for the 
purpose of discussing a petition to parliament against 
the property tax^ or tax upon income, w^hich tax 
ought, by law, to expire in a few months, but which 
tax, it is supposed, the government means to propose 
the continuation, or revival. The following is the 
report of the Times : 

" On Monday last, at a meeting of the freehol- 
ders, h.c, holden at Wells, to petition the parlia- 
ment for the repeal of the property tax, after the 
business of the day was disposed of, Mr. Hunt 
remarked, that the meeting should not disperse 
without expressing their thankfulness to those by 
whose efforts peace had been made between us and 
America. He, therefore, read a resolution, which 
lie submitted for their approbation : '* That the 
thanks of this meeting are due to those by whose 
exertions peace with the Americans, tl^ only free 



( 125 ) 

remaining people in the world, h^LS been restored to 
this country." Sir J. C. Hippesley could see no 
reason whatever for calling the Americans the only 
free people in the world, and should certainly divide 
the meeting if the motion were persisted in. It was 
a LIBEL on our own country ; for his part, he. 
HATED THE AMERICANS. They were a set 
of slaves to the government of France, and — (some 
expressions of disapprobation arose J when Mr. 
Dickinson said, that he certainly must join in de- 
precating the resolution. He hoped the meeting 
would not consent to compliment any nation at the 
expense of our own, and of every other in the globe. 
He had considerable reason for believing that the 
congress at Vienna was now employed in endea- 
vouring to unrivet the chains of the suffering yJfri- 
cans ; and engaged, as the powers of Europe were, 
in so sacred a cause, he could not consent that any 
aspersion, direct or indirect, should be cast upon 
tliem. Mr. Hunt then requested the sheriff to put 
the resolution, which, upon the shew of hands, was 
negatived by a very considerable majority,'*'* 

V\ hether there be anyyT^*^ country in the world 
still remaining, besides the republic of America, is 
a question that I do not choose to decide, or to give 
my opinion upon. But, 1 cannot help observing, that 
the question was decided in the negative by a meet- 
ing of the county of Somerset only by a ^^considerable 
majority;'' and, 1 must further observe that the report 
of this " co7isiderableT[\'a,]ov\X.y^'' comes to us through 
the Times newspaper, that channel of skunk-like 
abuse of America and all that is American. Let it 
be remembered, too, that the power of deciding 
who had the majority, lay wholly and absolutely 
with the sheriff, who is an officer appointed by the 
crown. This being the case, the words *' conside 

L 2 



( 12G ) 

Table majority" will be pretty well understood to 
mean any thijig but a large majority ; and, per'haps, 
some people may doubt whether there was any ma- 
jority at all. At any rate, the county of Somerset 
divided upon the question of, whether America was, 
or was not, the only free country left in the world. 
This was, at last, a question for which many were 
in the affirmative. It was received and put to the 
vote without any marks of disapprobation ; while, 
on the other hand, he was hissed, who said that he 
hated the Americans, iand who called them the 
slaves of the French government. And why, good 
Sir John, do you hate the Americans ? What have 
they done to you ? You say, that they are the 
slaves of the government of France ; but you do not 
find it convenient to produce any proof of what you , 
say. 

This, sir John, is one of the old stale falshoods of 
the Titnes newspaper, which you are retailing at se- 
cond hand like a Grub-street pedlar. You are, in 
this instance, a poor crawling imitator of a wretched 
grinder of paid -for paragraphs. Prove, or attempt 
to prove what you say. Attempt, at least, to prove, 
that the Americans are the slaves, or have been, the 
slaves of the French ; or, you must be content to go 
about saddled with the charge of having made an 
assertion, that the Americans were not, in any shape 
or degree, subservient to France. I assert, that 
they all along acted the part of a nation tridy inde- 
pendent, I assert that they, in no case, shewed a 
partiality for the government of Napoleon. If any ; 
proof were v^^anted of their having placed no reliance % 
upon France, we have it in the fact, the fact so ho- 
norable, so glorious to them, and so unfortunate for 
us : I mean the fact of their continuing the contest 
after Napoleon was put down, and still, as firmly as 



( 127 ) 

before, refusmg to give up to us one single poiiif, 
though they saw us allied with all Europe, and though 
they saw the whole of our monstrous force directed 
against them, having no other enemy to contend 
with. This proves that they placed no reliance up- 
on France. When they declared war, they saw us 
with a powerful enemy in Europe. 

Upon that circumstance they, of course calcula- 
ted, as they had a right to do ; but, when that ene- 
my, contrary to tlieir expectation, was put down all 
of a sudden, and the whole of our enormous force 
was bent against America, she was not intimidated. 
She still set us at defiance ; she faced us ; she fought 
us ; and, at the end of a few months, instead of re- 
ceiving a vice Toy at Washington, as we had been 
told she would, she brought us to make peace with 
her without her giving up to us one single point of 
any sort. Deny this, if you can, sir John ; and, if 
you cannot, answer to the people of Somerset for the 
speech, which the Times has published as yours. 
But, sir John, why do you hate the Americans? 
You cannot, surely, hate them because they pay 
their President only about six thousand pounds a 
year, not half so much as our apothecary gene- 
ral receives. You, surely, cannot hate them be- 
cause they do not pay in the gross amount of their 
taxes as much as we pay for the mere collection and 
management of ours. You, surely, cannot hate 
them because they keep no sinecure placemen, and 
no pensioners, except to such as have actually ren- 
dered them services, and to them grant pensions on- 
ly by vote of their real representatives. You, surely, 
cannot hate them because, in their country, the press 
is really free, and truth cannot be a libel. You, sure- 
ly, cannot hate them because they have shewn that 
a cheap government is, in fact, the strongest of all 



( 128 ) 

governments, standing in no need of the troops or 
of treason- laws to defend it in times even of actual 
invasion. 

You may, indeed, pity them, because they are 
destitute of the lionour of being governed by some 
illustrious family ; because they are destitute of 
dukes, royal and others, of most noble marquises, of 
earls, viscounts and barons ; because they are des- 
titute of knights of the garter, thistle and bath, grand 
crosses, commanders and companions ; because 
they are, in spite of the efforts of the Massachusetts 
intriguers, still destitute of illustrious highnesses, 
right honourables, honourables, and esquires ; be- 
cause they are destitute of long robes and big wigs, 
and see their lawyers, of all ranks, in plain coats of 
grey, brown, or blue, as chance may determine ; be- 
cause they are destitute of a church established by 
law and of tythes : you may, indeed, j&zYz/ the repub- 
licans on these accounts ; but, sir John, it would be 
cruel to hate them. To hate is not the act of a 
christian, and very illy becomes a man like yourself, 
who has been a hero, a perfect dragon, in combat- 
ing the anti-christian principles of the French revo- 
lution. Pity the Americans, sir John. Forgive 
them, sir John. Pray for them, sir John. But do 
not hate them, thou life- and- fortune defender of our 
holy religion. Pray that they may speedily have a 
king and royal family, with a commander in chief 
and field marshals ; that they may have a civil list 
and sinecures; that they may have lords, dukes, 
grand crosses, clergy, regular army, and tythes ; 
praxj for these things, in their behalf, as long as you 
please ; pray that the Americans may have as good 
a government as we have ; but, because they have 
it not, do not hate them. 

I was really very happy to perceive, that you 



\ 



( 129 ) 

were hissed for this sentiment, at the county meet* 
ing. I was happy to perceive it, because it was a 
sign, that the people of England are coming to their 
senses upon this the most important of all subjects. 
Why could you not have expressed yourself in 
terms less hostile to every generous and humane 
feeling ? I confess, that Mr. Hunt's motion, though 
if he thought it true^ he was right in making it, 
might fairly be objected to by any one who thought 
differently. But, you might have reprobated the 
endeavour to describe England at not Jree^ (if you 
regarded her as being free) without saying that you 
hated the Americans. This it was, that shocked the 
meeting, and, accordingly it hooted you, as appears 
from the report, as published even by the Tjmes 
newspaper. Every effort ought now to be made to 
produce reconciliation with America ; and, you ap- 
pear to have done all that you were able to do, to per- 
petuate the animosities engendered by the war, 
Mr. Dickinson managed his opposition to the mo- 
tion more adroitly. He observed, that the holy war 
powers, now in congress at Vienna, were, " he had 
considerable reason to believe," engaged in an effort 
to unrivet the chains of the African slave, and, 
therefore, he could not consent to any motion that 
might seem to glance against their people being 
free. — So, Mr. Dickinson concluded, it seems, that, 
if the " sacred cause" powers should settle upon 
some general prohibition against the increase of 
slaves in the West Indies^ there cannot possibly re- 
main any thing like slavery in Russia, Prussia, Po- 
land, Germany, Bohemia, Transylvania, Sclavonia, 
Italy, Spain or Portugal. 

I should like to have heard the chain of argument 
through which this member for Somerset arrived at 
such a conclusion from such premises. I suppose 



( ISO ) 

that it must have been something in this way : That 
the " sacred cause" powers are all perfectly sin- 
cere in their professions ; that, being so, it is impos- 
sible, to believe, that they would shew so much anx- 
iety for the freeing of the Africans, while they held 
their own subjects in slavery ; and that, therefore^ ; 
it is impossible to believe, that the people of Rus- 
sia, Germany, and Hungary, are not perfectly free, 
I dare say, that Mr. Dickinson said a great deal 
more upon the subject, and produced facts as well 
as arguments to prove, that Mr. Hunt's motion was '\ 
an unjust attack upon those powers ; and 1 confess, i 
that it would be a great treat to me to see Xhost facts 
upon paper. 



FROM COBBETT^S WEEKLY REGISTER, OF NOV. 26, 18t4. 

AMERICAN WAR. 

JVegociatioTis at Ghent — Measures of the Ameri- 
can Congress — Battle near Fort Ei'ie — Lake Onta- 
rio — Dispatches about the Lake Champlain Battles 
' — British attack on Fort Mobile. — The negocia- 
tions at Ghent, though kept a secret from Johnny. 
Bull, have reached him, as most other disclosures 
do, through the tell tale press of America. Oh ! 
that republic and her Press ! How many things the 
world knows through them ! Is there no way of 
reducing them to silence ? Take it in hand, good 
people, and see if there be no means of accomplish- 
ing it. These negociations show, that Jonathan, 
poor despised Jonathan, is not much less smart 



( 131 ) 

in the cabinet than he is in the field. Certainly no» 
thing was ever better managed than this negociation, 
on the part of Jo n a th a n. He pricked our brains', 
and then would do nothing, until he heard what the 
people of America should say. The ground of 
Messrs. Bayard, Gallatin, &c. was very reasonable ; 
for how could they be expected to have instructions, 
relating to matters never before matters of dispute? 
The substance of the disclosure is this : we asked 
as a preliminary, that the Republicans should give 
up part of their territory, including those very lakes, 
and their own borders of those Lakes whereon they 
have defeated us, and which are their only secure 
barrier against us and our Indian allies. The Pre- 
sident, of course, lost no time in laying these papers 
before the Congress, who are said to have heard 
them with unanimous indignation ; and the Times 
newspaper tells us, that '' these papers have been 
made the means of uniting against us the whole 
American people:' Thou great ass, they were uni- 
ted against us before. There were only a handful 
of " Serene Highnesses'" ^nd " Cossacks'' in Mas- 
sachusetts, the acquaintance of Mr. Henry, who 
were not united against us. This, I suppose, is the 
shift that you resort to in order to cover your dis- 
grace, in having to announce that Mr. Madison is 
** yet" president, and that he is not even impeached:' 
There is one passage in the last despatch of Mr. 
Monroe, worthy of great attention. He tells the 
Plenipotentiaries, that "there is much reason to 
presume, that Great Britain has noxv OTHER OB- 
JECTS than those, for which she has hitherto pro- 
fessed to contend." Probably he built this pre- 
sumption on the language oi om public prints, or 
on the report of a speech in Parliament, attributed 
by those newspapers to sir Joseph Yorke, one of 



( 132 ) 

the Lords of the Admiralty, in which report the re. 
porters made sir Joseph say, that we had Mr. Madi- 
son to DEPOSE before we could lay down our 
arms. This report was published some time in 
May or June ; and in August Mr. Monroe's des- 
patch was written. However, be the ground of 
presumption what it would, Mr. Madison does not 
seem to have changed his tone on account of it ; 
and there can be no doubt that the people must i 
have been greatly inflamed by such an impudent 
declaration. This shews what mischief newspa- 
pers can do. The war is, in great part the war of 
the Times and the Courier. Let them, therefore, \ 
weep over the fate of our fleets and armies in Cana- ; 
da, and at Mobile. The measures of the American 
Congress seem to be of a very bold character, and 
well calculated for a war of long continuation. The 
President has not been afraid to lay bare all the 
wants of the government, and to appeal to the sense 
and patriotism of the people. From every thing 
that I can discover, the noblesse of Massachusetts 
will not be able to prevent, or even impede, any of 
these measures. Johnny Bull is, in last Satur- ^ 
day's Gazette, treated to an account of the late bat- 
tle near Fort Erie, from which Jonathan sallied 
out upon Gen. Drummond's army. According 
to this account, our loss was as follow : 



KILLED. 




Captains 
Lieutenants 


1 

2 


Serjeants 
Rank and file 


7 
105 
115 



( 133 ) 



WOUNDED. 




Lieut. Colonels 


S 


Captains 


3 


Lieutenants 


10 


Ensigns 


1 


Sergeants 


13 


Drummers 


1 


Rank and file 


147 




178 


MISSING. 




Majors 


2 


Captains 


4 


Lieutenants 


3 


Ensigns 


£ 


Adjutants 


1 


Surgeons 


1 


Sergeants 


21 


Drummers 


2 


Rank and file 


280 




316 



609 
A most bloody battle ! The armies, on both sides, 
are handfuls of men. These are battles of a very 
different description from those of the Peninsula, as 
it was called. — General Drummond complains of 
the ove-nvhelming force of the enemy. How came 
I he to besiege him then ? It was a sally, observe, on 
I the part of the Americans ; and it is the first time I 
[ever heard of a sallying party being- stronger than 
fthe army besieging them. In the teeth of facts like 
these the malignant ass of the Times newspaper has 
the impudence to say, with as much coolness as if 
he had never heard of these things : " A peace be- 
tween Great Britain and the United States can pro- 
perly be made no where but in America. The con- 
ferences should be carried on at New York or Phi- 
ladelphia, having previously fixed at those places 
the head quarters of a Picton or a Hill." If 
Mr. Madison had this writer in his pay, the latter 

M 



( 134 ) 

could not serve the republican cause more effectu- 
ally than he is now doing. On Lake Ontario our 
newspapers now say, that we have a decided superu 
or'ity of force. Very well. Let its bear that in 
mvna. Let us have no 7iew versions after a battle 
shall have taken place. The official accounts rela- 
tive to the affair at Plattsburg and Lake Champlain 
are the most curious, certainl}^ that ever were seen. 
They consist of a mere account of the number of 
killed, wounded and missing, up to the time that 
our army quitted, or was about to (juit Plattsburg, 
that is to sav, [mind the dates /] up to the FOUR- 
TEP:NTH of SEPTEMBER. Not a word 
have we about the RETREAT from Plattsburg, 
nor about the battle on Lake Champlain, though 
we have an account from sir George Prevost, dated 
on the FOURTH OF OCTOBER. Mark that 
well. The despatch is said to have been dated on 
the 1 1th, at Plattsburg, but it contains the account 
of the losses to the 14th ! Let Us hear the apology of 
the Times newspaper : — *' The return from the 6th 
to the 14th of September being inclosed in the des- 
patch bearing date the 11th, is easily accounted for, ; 
from the circumstance of that despatch not having 
been made up for some time after. Although des- 
patches have arrived of a later date from sir G. 
Prevost none have been received containing amj 
account of his retreat. Private letters, however, 
contradict the i\.merican statements of precipitation 
and embarrassment in sir George's movements on 
that occasion. The despatch of the 11th before 
mentioned, refers to the action on the lake, but it' is 
not thought proper to publish this until an official j 
account of the action reaches the admiralty. Very i 
well, now. Let us grant that it would not be pro- j 
per to publish sir George's account of the action on I 
the Lake, though it was such a lumping concern j 



( 155 ) 

as to require but little nautical skill to describe it; 
yet here is no reason at all given for not publishinj^ 
sir George^s account of his oxvn retreat, other than 
Its 7iot having been received, which is most wonder- 
lul, seeing that it is the invariable practice to enclose 
duplicates and triplicates of ever}- preceding dis- 
patch, when forces are at such a distance. "How 
came sir George, in his despatch of the 4th of Oc- 
tober, not to send a duplicate of the account of his 
retreat, if he had sent that account before ? And, 
if he had not sent it before, how came he not to send 
n along with his despatch of the 4rh of October? 
I he solving of these questions will be very good 
amusement for the winter evenings of Johnny Bull, 
who was so anxious '' to give the Yankees a good 
drubbi7ig,'' and who thinks nothing at all of the pro- 
perty tax \vhen compared with so desirable an ob- 
ject. Reader, pray let me bring you back to the 
affair of Plattsburg. It is situated on the side of 
lake Champlain, about 25 miles within the United 
States. There is a fortress near it, in which Jona- 
than had 1500 regulars and 5 or 6,000 militia. 
Against this fort and force, sir George Prtvost, 
with 14 or 15,000 men, marched early in Septem- 
ber, the fort being to be attacked by water by our 
fleet, at the same time that our army attacked it by 
land. — The attack was made but the American flee't 
came up, attacked ours, beat and captured the 
^vhole of the ships. Sir George Prevost, seeing 
the fate of the fleet, retreated speedily into Canada, 
was followed, as the Americans say, by their army, 
who harassed it, took some cannon, a great quantity 
of stores, and many prisoners, and received from 
the British army, a great number o{ deserters, who 
quitted sir George Prevost, and went over to them. 
This is the most serious part of the subject ; and, 



( 136 ) 

therefore, as the Montreal newspapers had stated 
that we lost 150 men by desertion, as the Ameri- 
cans made them amount to a great many hundreds ; 
and as Mr. Whitbread in the debate in ParUament i 
a few days ago said he had heard that they amounted 
to 2000, and that too, of fVellingtonians^ the people ^ 
were very anxious to see sir George Prevosfs ac- \ 
count of his retreat. The Ministers said, that Sir ^ 
George Prevost had said NOTHING about DE- 
SERTION ; and that bf course, he would have 
mentioned it, if it had been true. But the Times 
newspaper now tells us, that Sir George has sent no 
account of his retreat ; or^ at least, that 77one has been 
received. According to the Ministers, Sir George's 
account has been received, and mention is made iti 
it of desertion. According to the Times, Sir ■. 
George's account has not been received. We must 
believ^e the Ministers of course, and must set the 
Times down for a promulgator of wilful falsehoods. ^ 
But, then, there is a rub left ; if the account of the 
retreat is come, WHY NOT PUBLISH IT ? 
This is another riddle Johnny Bull, for your winter 
evenings' amusement. The attack of our forces on ^ 
Mobile, furnishes a new feature to the war. We : 
have before seen the two parties engaged, frigate to 
frigate, brig to brig, sloop to sloop, and in two in- 
stances, fleet to fleet. We have seen them, on land, 
alternately beseiged and beseiging. We now see 
the Americans in a fort, containing only 108 men, , 
attacked by a combined naval and military arma- j 
ment, as to the result of which, after describing the j 
scene of action, we nmst, for the present take their \ 
own official account. Point Mobile is situated on ■ 
the main land on the border of the Gulph of Mexi- \ 
CO, not far from the mouth of the great river Mis- j 
sissippi. On this point is a fort, called Fort Bow- \ 



- ( isr ) 

yer, belonging to the Republican enemy, to the at- 
tack of which our squadrons proceeded in Septem- 
ber last. [Here follow the American official ac- 
counts.] 

I extract these articles from the Times newspa- 
per ; and yet in the face of these facts, in defi- 
ance of these red hot balls, the consummate ass 
would make no peace, except at Nexv York or Phi- 
ladelphia, they being first the head quarters of a 
Ficton or a Hill! This is as good a lift as this writer 
could have given to Mr. Madison, and as hard a 
blow as he could have given to the Noblesse of 
Massachusetts, on whom he and the rest of our war 
tribe had built, and do still build their hopes of ul- 
timate success. Let him look at the attitude of 
New- York and Philadelphia. I do not say that it 
is impossible to get at either of those cities with 
bomb shells or rockets ; but I am quite satisfied, 
that it would require a very large army to set foot 
in either of them, even for the purpose of buniing 
and then quitting them in safety, I will now make 
an observation or two with regard to public opinion 
as to the American war. People are disappointed. 
The continuance of the Property Tax pinches. 
But would they have the luxury of war without 
paying for it ? No, no. Pay they must ; or they 
must put up with what they have gotten and see 
the Stars atid stripes waving in every sea. They 
would have War. War was their cry. They have 
it, and they must pay for it. 



M 2 



FROM COBBETT'S WEEKLY TIEGISTEU OF SEP. 10, 1814. 

SUMMARY OF POLITICS. 

American war, — The Times newspaper, which 
was one of the loudest clamorers for this war, now 
observes, '' with deep regret^ that it has lingered on, 
for so many months, without being distinguished 
by any memorable stroked If the inflammatory 
and malicious writer of that paper already experien- 
ces disappointment^ what will he experience during 
the months, yea, and perhaps, the years, of this 
war, which are yet to come ? He, when urging on 
the nation to this enterprize, told them, with the 
utmost confidence, that, in a fexv weeks after war 
should be commenced, *' the boasted American navy 
would be annihilated." — Not only has that navy 
not been annihilated, but it has very much increas- 
ed. It has annihilated some hundreds of our mer- 
chant ships, and has defeated several of our ships of 
war, some of which, after victory over them, gain- 
ed in the most wonderful manner, it has added to 
its own number. It is said, that we are building 
ships to carry 64 guns, for the express purpose of 
combating the American frigates. Ours, it seems, 
are to be C2i\\^6. frigates also. This is to avoid the 
aubtvardness of acknowledging, that our frigates 
are not able to cope with American frigates. Now, 
if it should happen that one of these new ^'' frigates'^'* 
of ours is beaten and captured by an American fri- 



( 139 ) 

gate, what will then be said ? — For my part, were 
it with me to carry on the war, I would, after what 
has passed, resort to no such perilous expedient as 
this, but would, at once, send ships of the line 
against those formidable frigates, without making 
any apology for so doing. Before the war began, not 
a word were we told about the frigates. The editors 
of the Times and the Courier were only impatient, 
that these frigates should meet ours upon the sea. 
They said nothing about their stout decks, and their 
heavy cannon, and their ** great big balls." But 
the moment that the Americans beat and captured 
one of our frigates with one of theirs, then we heard 
these editors, and even the " undaunted sons of 
Neptune," garbed in blue and gold, exclaiming 
against the size of the American frigates, and the 
number of their crews ! We should have thought 
of all this before we talked of annihilating the An>e- 
rican navy in a {^\^ weeks. The merchants and 
underwriters are now petitioning the lords of the ad- 
miralty and the prince regent to protect therii more 
effectually against this '' conte?nptib/e American na- 
vy," which, it seems, has already destroyed their 
property to the amount of millions, and some of 
the ships of which are said to blockade, in some 
sort, part of our harbors in England and Ireland, 
and are capturing our ships within the sight of land. 
These gentlemen should have petitioned against the 
xvar. So far from that, many of them were eager 
for the war ; and, do they think that they are to en- 
joy the gratification of seeing the American towns 
knocked down without paying some little matter 
for it ? That the admiralty are employing a great 
many ships and sailors in this war our next year's 
taxes and loans will fully convince us ; but nume- 
rous as their ships and sailors are, they are not, 
and cannot be, sufficient to cover all the ocean. 



( 140 ) 

The farmers and landholders, and fund holders, 
are sighing for the repeal of taxes: but how are 
they justified in this wish, when it is well known 
that to carry on the war, taxes are absolutely neces- 
sary ; and when it is also well known, that those 
persons were, in general, anxious for the war ? 
Some of them want war to prevent their produce 
from falling in price ; others liked peace with France 
well enough ; but, then, they wished *' to give the 
Yankees a drubbing,^* Therefore, if to keep up 
the price of produce, and to give the Yankees a 
drubbing, taxes are wanted, with what decency can'^ 
these persons expect that taxes will be taken off?"^ 
Do we obtain any thing that we Want without pay- 
ing for it, in some way or other ? If we want food, 
or raiment, or houses, or pleasure, do we not ex- 
pect to pay for them ? Can we go to see a play or 
a puppet show without money? Why, then, are 
we to expect to see the greater pleasure of seeing 
the Yankees drubbed without paying for that too ? 
The public seem very impatient to see the drub- 
bing begin. The Times and the Courier have been 
endeavouring to entertain them for a long while, 
and until they, as well as the audience, appear ex- 
hausted. Bat is it not reasonable that the public 
should, in this case, as well as in all others, put down 
their money previously to the drawing up of the cur- 
tain ? In a year or two, perhaps, we slTall see the 
drama commence in good earnest. But, it is not 
enough to be amused with a little dancing and tum- 
bling on the outside before we have paid our mo- 
ney ? — " Send ! Send away," says the eager editor 
of the Times y " send away a force to erush them at 
once !" But not a word does he say about the 
taxes necessary to pay for the sending and keeping 
up of sucli a force. 



( 141 ) 

Our government is composed of wonderfully 
clever men ; but they are not clever enough to make 
soldiers walk upon the waters over the Atlantic, nor 
to enact, at a word, loaves and fishes to sustain 
them after their arrival. To be able to send that 
** overwhelming force" of which the Times speaks, 
the government must have money ; and, as in all 
other cases, they must have the money ^r^^. In 
short, it is unreasonable in the extreme to expect 
the war in America to be attended with any very 
signal result, until we have liberally paid two or 
three years of taxes. The assertion is again made, 
that the American ships are manned principally with 
English^ Irish and Scotch, I find this assertion in 
the Morning Chronicle of the 6th instant. If this 
were true, as I hope it is not, what a pleasant and 
honourable fact this war would have brought to 
light ? — No other than this : that many of our sea- 
men, our '* gallant tars," the " undaunted sons of 
Neptune," not only have no dislike to the Americans, 
but actually have run the risk of being hanged, 
drawn and quartered, for the sake of fighting in the 
American service against their own country ! 

If the world believe these accounts, what must 
the world think of us ? During the long war in 
which France was engaged, no Frenchmen were 
ever found in arms against their king and country. 
Some of them, indeed, embodied themselves under 
foreign banners to fight, as they pretended, at least, 
for their country, and against those whom they cal- 
led the usurpers of its government. But, if these 
accounts be true, our countymen have voluntarily 
gone into the American service to fight against 
their country, that country being under the legiti- 
mate sway of the glorious and beloved house of 
Brunswick ! the origin of these accounts, so dis- 
graceful to the country, is, probably, the reluctance 



( 142 ) 

which our naval officers have to confess defeat at 
the hands of those yankees^ whom we were so de- 
sirous to see drubbed. To avoid this painful ac- 
knowledgment, it has been asserted, that we have 
not been beaten, by the yankees, but by our own 
brave countrymen. — But, here again, a difficulty 
arises ; for how comes it to pass, that our own 
brave countrymen have more success on board yan- 
kee ships than on board of our own heart of oak ? 
How comes it to pass, that the men on both sides, 
being precisely of the same race and education, those 
in the yankee ships should beat those in '' the woo- 
den walls of Old England ?'' It has been observed, 
that they fight more desperately, knowing that they 
fight with a halter about their necks* What an as- 
persion on " the sons of Neptune !" As if the sons 
of Neptune, the gallant jack tars of Old England 
wanted a halter round their necks, and the gallows 
and executioner's knife before their eyes, to make 
them do more in battle than they are ready to do 
for tlie sake of their king and country, and from a 
sentiment of honour ! This is, really, giving a cru- 
el stab to the character of our sailors ; but such is 
the sorry malignity of those who publish these ac- 
counts of treasonable practices, that they entirely 
overlook these obvious inferences, in their anxiety 
to get rid of the supposition that any thing praise 
worthy belongs to the character of the enemy. 

If these accounts be true, as I hope they are not, 
whv are not the traitors ^nW and executed? Why 
are they suffered to remain in the American ser- 
vice ? Why are they suffered to go on thus, shou- 
ting at, boarding, and taking our ships, insulting 
our gallant officers, and putting our men in irons '? 
Why are they not, 1 ask again, tried and hanged? 
Why are not their warm bowels ripped out and 



( 143 > 

thrown in their traitorous faces ? Why are their bo- 
dies not cut into quarters, and those quarters placed 
at the king's disposal ?— But, I had forgotten, that 
before these things can be done, we must capture 
the ships in which they sail ! Is there no other way 
of coming at them? It were well if those, whose 
business it is to enforce the law against state crim- 
inals, would fall upon some scheme to reach them. 
Cannot the parliam^ent, which has been called om- 
nipotent, find out some meaiis of coming at them ? 
In short, these accounts are a deep disgrace to the 
country ; and I do hope, that the lords of the admi- 
ralty, who published that eloquent paper, stimula- 
ting the sailors to fight against the Americans, will 
fall speedily upon some means of putting an end to 
so great a scandal. I have not time, at' present, to 
enter so fully into the subject of the American war 
as I shall in my next ; but, to the loose observations 
that I have made, I cannot refrain from adding a 
word or two on the rupture of the,, negociations at 
Ghent, which is said to have taken place. Who, 
in his senses, expected any other result ? It was 
manifest, from the moment that Napoleon was re- 
moved from France, that the war with America was 
destined to become a serious contest. There were 
all sorts of feelings at work in favour of such a war. 
There was not a single voice (mine only excepted) 
raised against it. Was it to be supposed, then, that 
peace would be the work of a few months? Yet this 
rupture of the negociations appears to have excited 
a good deal of surprise, not wholly divested of a 
small portion of alarm. It was expected that the 
yankee commissioners would jump at peace on any 
terms. There were thousands of persons, and well 
dressed persons too, who said that the yankees 
would not hesitate a moment to depose Mr, Madi- 



( 144 ) 

son, and send him to some little uninhabited island. 
About a fortnight ago some rifle soldiers were pas- 
sing my house, in their way from Sussex to Ply- 
mouth, to join their corps, bound to America. A 
sergeant, who was at a little distance behind the 
party, stopped at my door and asked for some beer. 
While the beer was drawing, I observed to him, 
that Jonathan must take care now what he was 
about. " No," said the sergeant, " I do not think 
it will come to any head ; for we learned the day 
before yesterday, that Madison haH run away,'''' I 
asked him, if they had been informed -whither he 
had run to. He replied, that he had run " out of 
the country,'''' He further told me, that we were to 
have an army of 50,000 men for the conquest of 
America; and that, if they were not enough, Rus- 
sia had 60,000 men ready to send to our assis- 
tance. From this the Americans will judge of 
the opinions of the people here ; for I dare say, that 
this sergeant was no more than the mere repeater of 
what he heard in almost all the public houses, re- 
sorted to by politicians of the most numerous class 
— but the people are not to be blamed for this de- 
lusion. They had it given them, in the report of a 
speech of one of the lords of the admiralty, not long 
ago, that w^e were about to undertake the deposing 
of Mr. Madison ; and who can blame them, if they 
believe that this deposition has taken place ? My 
friend, the sergeant, on whom I bestowed my be- 
nediction, will, however, I am afraid, find, that this 
work of deposing Mr. Madison will give more 
trouble than he appeared to expect ; my reasons for 
which I shall state in my next. 



A OLIMPSE, ^c. 



It is a duty the people of the United States, 
both individually and collectively, owe their legiti- 
mate sovereign Lord and King the Great Jehovah, 
to remember with sentiments of unfeigned grati- 
tude and thankfulness our recent desperate con- 
flict and pacification with Great Britain. I at first 
purposed merely to compile some of the most 
distinguished of the American victories as an 
appendix to the prefixed letters of Mr. Cobbett, 
but I cannot let the present opportunity slip, with- 
out reminding the American population, of the pa- 
ternal kindness of their father and their king in 
their late time of trial; that it may stimulate us all 
lo render unto him the grateful tribute of thanks- 
giving for his unspeakable goodness; and those who 
refuse so to do, especially after reading these re- 
marks are guilty of the basest and blackest ingra- 
titude, than which a greater crime men cannot 
commit, nationally or individually. May every 
American heart palpitate with ardent love to our 
glorious King, and every eye glisten with tears 
of gratitude, while reading a concise recapitula- 
tion of his loving kindness to these rising states 
in the time of our greatest extremity. If one 
hundred, or even one reader is stimulated by these 
remarks to love and praise God for the national 
blessing we have received, I will consider myself 
sufficiently rewarded. Perhaps it would be pro- 



N 



( 146 ) 

per in this place, to point out concisely the causes 
as well as the consequences of the late war. The 
impressment of American seamen by the British 
naval commanders, appears to be the chief cause 
thereof. Even president Washington remonstra- 
ted and reprobated this unlawful practice in the 
strongest terms. 

Also, the restrictions on our commerce was a 
just cause of complaint. 

'< On the 25th of March 1807, an act of parlia- 
ment passed, the object of which was to permit the 
United States to trade to France and her dependen- 
cies, on condition that our vessels should first enter 
some British port, pay a transit duty, and take 
out a license! A compliance with this unprece- 
dented regulation would have subjected a single 
cargo of flour to the payment of more than eight 
thousand dollars, and an ordinary cargo of cotton 
to more than fifty thousand dollars. On the arti- 
cle of tobacco alone Great Britain would have 
extorted from us the annual tribute ot two mil- 
lions, three hundred, and thirty-eight thousand 
dollars. The payment of these duties on all our 
articles of exportation would have drawn from us 
a yearly sum more than sufiicient to pay the in- 
terest on our national debt. Under the orders in 
council more American vessels and cargoes were 
seized and condemned than have been captured 
by the enemy since the declaration of war. 

Such, is a short, and impartial glimpse of the 
acts of aggression and rapacity which led to the 
war. Were we disposed to add to the colour- 
ing of the picture we might call to recollection 
the outrages on our territorial jurisdiction by 
the blockade of the mouths of our harbours and 
rivers, the murder of our citizens within our 



>J 



( 147 ) 

own waters, the attack on the Chesapeake, the 
disavowal of Erskine's arrangement, the excite- 
ment of the savages to hostilities on our frontier 
inhabitants and the authorised mission of John 
Henry, for the purpose of producing civil war 
and a severance of the union." 

The almost miraculous transactions which hap- 
pened on the theatre of war in Europe soon after 
the declaration of war against England by the 
American government, might be considered big 
with portentous events to this country. I would 
ask any man who believes in the divine agency, 
and that a sparrow does not fall to the ground 
without the notice of God, if he cannot clearly 
see the finger of heaven raised, or if you please, 
the special interposition of Providence exerted in 
our behalf in the recent sanguinary contest. 

After enduring with proverbial patience a thou- 
sand indignities, the loss of nearly one thousand 
sail of our ships, and impressment of thousands 
of our citizens, we declared war against the invader 
of our rights, when eight of the European nations 
combined with France against England. Soon 
after this eventful period France fails in her mili- 
tary enterprises. All Europe arms against her, 
and the coalition triumphs at the gates of Paris. 
France being humbled, England turns her milita- 
ry and maritime vengeance upon us, while w^e had 
only one arm to raise against her accumulating fu- 
ry, the other nervous and powerful arm being tied 
down by the spirit of faction and political rancor- 
Thus with one hand the United States found 
themselves engaged with the greatest power on 
earth. The " bits of striped bunting" float alone 
against the crimson banner of the queen of the 
ocean. All the friends of liberty trembled for 



( 148 ) 

our fate; and the only free country on earth would 
have fallen a victim to the spirit of despotism, 
had not God been our defender. After the sub- 
jugation of France the arms of the United States 
were more victorious than they were ever before. 
Many and sanguinary were the conflicts on land 
and water in which victory crowned our just cause. 
In New- England the enemy gained a partial pre- 
ponderance, because of the disaffection of its big 
men to our just cause: and in Washington, 
Georgetown, and Alexandria, they were permit- 
ted by a similar spirit in the little men to burn the 
capital. In the first instance the state-rulers would 
not lead on the brave Bostonians to repel and 
chastise the invading foe, and in the last the peo- 
ple would not support their rulers while repelling 
their enemies. I recollect about two years ago I 
saw in Georgetown hand- bills posted up, where- 
in the inhabitants were notified that a meeting ^ 
was appointed, also, a day of thanksgiving, rejoic- 
ing and feasting for the recent Russian victories, ^ 
and of course English victories over the French. • 
An oration was delivered at the English church, 
and te deum was sung. When I saw these things j 
I exclaimed in the language of astonishment ** is 
it possible that toryism is thus permitted to flour- j 
ish in the center of the republic." The people ^ 
who thus rejoiced at the victories of our enemy, , 
I queried if they would defend their own capital i 
if invaded; the sequel proved that my fears were 
not without foundation. I had also proposed to 
disseminate a number of the fourth edition of my 
*' Charms of Benevolence, and Patriotic Mentor, 
or the Rights and Privileges of Republicanists \ 
contrasted with the Wrongs and Usurpations of 
Monarchy," with this motto: 



( 1« ) 

Freedom's the pearl of life, the poor man*s store, 
But life is death when Freedom is no more. 

But I was informed by a patriotic plebeian, that I 
would meet with no encouragement for a work of 
that description. Hence I directed my agent to 
disseminate them in other parts of Maryland and 
Virginia, and for my part I did not sell one my- 
self in the above three towns. The reader is 
humbly intreated to pardon this digression which 
does not properly belong to the subject, but to 
which we now return by boldly asserting that no 
victory during the war so effectually aided our 
just cause as this cowardly catastrophe, because it 
first united the hearts of all republicans in sup- 
port of their general government, and at the same 
time disgusted all civilized nations at the barba- 
rous mode of warfare carried on by England 
against the arts as well as the arsenals of the Uni- 
ted States. After this mortifying but most for- 
tunate event the American arms were triumphant 
and an honourable peace was the fruit thereof. 

In this short but sanguinary conflict, w^e have 
taken the following public vessels from the enemy. 





Oil the Ocean. 




i Guerriere, - 


- 


33 


11 Levant, - - - 


- 18 


2 Macedonian, 


- 


38 


12 Alert, - - - 


- 16 


3 Java, - - - 


- 


38 


13 Boxer, - - - 


- 16 


4 Cyane, - - 


- 


34 


1 4 St. Lawrence, •• 


- 12 


5 Hermes, - - 


- - 


28 


15 Highflyer, - - 


- 11 


6 Frolic, - - 


- 


18 


16 Dominica, - - 


- 12 


7 Peacock, 


_ 


18 


17 Ballahoo, - - 


8 


8 Epervier 


- - 


18 


18 Whiting, - - 


4 


9 Avon, - - 


- 


18 


19 Landraille, - - 


4 


10 Reindeer, 


- 


18 

N 


2 





( 15 


^ ) 




On the Lakes. 




20 Confiance, - - - 39 


27 Hunter, - - - . 


10 


21 (Burnt at York,) - 38 


28 Berresford, - - - 


14 


22 Detroit, - - - - 20 


29 Duke of Gloucester, 


12 


25 Lady Prevost, - - 16 


30 Chippewa, - - 




24 Linnet, - - - , 16 


31 Nancy, - _ . - 


2 


25 (On L. Champlain,) 1 1 


32 Little' Belt, - - - 


4U 


26 (Ditto) ... - 11 







Of packets, which are king's vessels, generally 
first rate vessels, from 200 to 400 tons burthen, 
armed with 10 guns, we have captured the follow- 
ing, viz. 



1 Ann. 

2 Carteret. 

3 Duke of Montrose. 

4 Express. 

5 Fox. 

6 Francis Freeling. 

7 Lapwing. 
S Mary Ann. 

9 IVIanchester. 
10 Morgiana. 



1 1 Nocton. 

12 Prince Adolphus. 

1 3 Princess Amelia. 

14 Princess Elizabeth. 

15 Princess Elizabeth. 

16 Swallow 

17 Townsend. 

1 8 Lady Mary Pelhairi. 

19 Windsor Castle. 



The preceding are public vessels; of private i 
\essels, Niles' last list is 1551, which have been ^ 
brought safe into port or destroyed. Including 
the recaptures, it may be safely stated that we 
liave taken at least 3000 vessels from the enemy. 

Before I proceed to give a more particular 
glimpse of our military and maritime victories I will 
take the liberty to introduce my " Persuasive to . 
political moderations^'' as it is in my view the most i 
important part of our compilation and lies nearest 
mv heart. 



( I5i ) 



A Persuasive to Political Moderation, ^c. 

It is most assuredly the duty of every rational 
being to do all possible good to his fellow crea- 
tures not only with a disinterested view of 
profiting them, but also of pleasing our common 
Creator. And in order to do good to men, we 
must accommodate our admonitions to their pas- 
sions, their prejudices, and their local preposses- 
sions. To cause the sons of error to see its fa- 
tality; docility, mildness, and moderation must be 
used. The grand work I desire to accomplish 
herein,! s no less than a union of all republicans 
in the United States for the prosperity of the re- 
public. Was my power equal to my will, there 
should be but two parties in the United States; 
namely, whig and tory; the friend and the enemy 
of kingcraft. And though I would not advise my 
compatriots when they feel the hour of their dis- 
solution approaching, like the father of Hannibal 
to take their children to the altar, and swear them 
to eternal hostility against the invaders of their 
country's liberty and independence; yet would 
I stimulate by the most reasonable argumentation 
the votaries of republicanism, to inspire their chil- 
dren with a just detestation of monarchy by pre- 
senting them with this, and similar publications 
for their serious investigation. 

The present attempt, although romantic, is 
surely excusable. To break down party prejudice, 
to allay the impetuosity of political intolerance, 
requires a more powerful pen than mine. The 
late war has given all parties and politicians in our 
country clearly to see the deletereous and gigantic 
evils which are most likely to be produced in oiiir 



( 152 ) 

solitary republic by political animosity and party 
strife. Our representative republic and federal 
government was in danger from this cause, which 
will again and again produce the same effect, if 
not remedied or removed, and it is the duty of 
every friend to his country to use his individual 
endeavours to contribute his aid, in order to ac- 
complish this great and important object. If there 
are worshippers of royalty in the federal ranks, I 
verily believe there are also domestic tyrants and 
intolerant politicians in the democratic ranks. I 
abhor the spirit of intolerance, both political and 
religious; appear in what party it may it is most 
destructive to the public weal, and should be ex- 
ploded as the bane of the republic. Surely the 
strong should always be ready to extend the hand 
of charity to the weak! There are many, no doubt^ 
true republicans in the federal ranks, and not a 
few fought, conquered, and died, in defence of the 
republic in the late war. These things should 
not be forgot by the powerful party. To each 
surviving hero, as wxll as those who are sleeping 
on a foreign shore, every tribute that is due to 
virtue and valour should be paid. Surely the wor- 
shippers of kings, dukes, mai'quises, earls, lords, 
and the Lord knows only what, are justly despi- 
sed and execrated by all true republicans, in the 
federal as well as the democratic ranks. The ser- 
vile worshippers of what they call 'legitimate mo- 
narchs" in monarchical countries, I pity from my 
heart, because they are hood-winked from youth 
to age by their tory scholastic and eclesiastic teach- 
ers, so that they live and die the victims of po- 
litical delusion; but men who were bred and born 
in the United States, and with the best political 
information practical as well as theoretical, and 



( 153 ) 

who, notwithstanding, long for, sigh for, pray for, 
preach for, write for, and act for a royal govern- 
ment; such men, if such men exist in the United 
States, I have far less charity for than for the high- 
way robber: and I do verily believe they are as 
hateful in the sight of Heaven as they are in my 
sight, and equally an enemy of God and man. I 
feel nothing but* love and charity to all mankind, 
my bitterest enemies included, and could circle 
them all in one kind embrace — these miscreants 
only excepted, if there be any such in the United 
States. Even the royalists who have slaughtered 
tens of thousands of the population of Spanish 
America, because, forsooth, they willed to be 
free, and fought for independence, I feel charity 
for, because they are blindly led on against their 
fellow citizens by the prejudice of education, and 
think they are fighting for and supporting a just 
cause; but not so with the American royalist. 
Who, I ask, can read the following recent intel- 
ligence from Spanish America, and not feel pity 
for the one party and detestation for the other; 

Barhadoes^ March 20. 

INTERESTING DETAIL OF RECENT OCCURRENCES ON THE 

SPANISH MAIN. 

" We published on the 6th ult. important in- 
formation received by the way of Curracoa, res- 
pecting the operations of the belligerent republi- 
cans and royalists, in the provinces of Venezuela 
and the Carraccas. The army of the royalist party, 
under Bovis, had taken Barcelona and Cumana, 
and w'as then marching on towards Maturin, near 
which place a battle had been fought, in which 
the republicans, under Bolivar, had sustained con- 
siderable loss. 



( 154. ) 

A continuation of this intelligence is furnished 
by the Jamaica papers brought up by H. M. ship 
Niemen, which arrived at this place on the 14th 
inst. and has since sailed for England. 

The royalist general Morales, having laid siege 
to the town of Maturin, sent them the following 
summons: 

'' Inhabitants of Maturin. — The rapidity with | 
which the arms of the Spanish monarchy have 
subdued the several provinces of Venezuela, is a 
clear proof that Divine Providence favours a just 
cause. You are the last that oppose to us resist- 
ance, which must prove fruitless. I do now offer 
to you an honourable capitulation — Lay down j 
your arms, and any one among you who do not ' 
wish to live under the royal government, shall 
have a passport to any colonial he may choose. 
The others, who consent to remain, shall have 
their rights and property respected. 

Thomas Mor ales, General in chief. '*'* \ 

To which summons the following answer was re- 
turned by the commander-in-chief of the town of j 
Maturin, Don Jose Francisco Bermudez: ^ 

'* Since Maturin has raised the standard of li- 
berty, the valour of its inhabitants has been con- 
spicuous more than once; they have sworn to 
bury themselves under the ashes of their town, 
rather than submit again to the despotic govern- 
ment that has forages oppressed them: — that oath 
they now renew. You boast of your precarious 
advantages and of the large force under your 
command, which you say is more than adequate 
to compel us to surrender; you may, general, put 
them in motion; we are ready and disposed to 
face it, and if you conquer us, it shall be on ashes 



( 155 ) 

and dead bodies that your victory shall be cele- 
brated; by consent of all those under my orders. 
Jose Francisco Bermudez." 

Finding that the city of Maturin was determin- 
ed to make manly resistance, general Morales 
made the requisite preparations, and immediately 
stormed the works of the republicans, and took 
possession of the place. In this sanguinary con- 
flict the royalists are said to have lost about three 
thousand men, and the republicans upwards of 
four thousand. 

Morales, who is the successor of the brutal 
Broves, who put all the inhabitants of Cumana to 
death (with the exception of eight families) caused 
himself to be proclaimed by the army which de- 
stroyed Maturin, '' Commander-in-chief," and all 
eastward from the capital, mclusive, is considered 
under his government; whilst Valencia, Puerto, 
Cabello, and the territory to the westward, ac- 
knowledged general Cagigal as their chief." 

Yet these royalists are angels compared to those 
in the United States, who, were it not for the in- 
terposition of our mighty and merciful sovereign, 
would have produced the same reverse, the same 
desolation, the same degradation in the United 
States, as was experienced by the republicans of 
Maturin. OI reader, pause a moment and reflect 
upon their anguish, and your recent narrow es- 
cape from similar wretchedness, and love, and 
thank, and praise your good king who delivered 
you therefrom. 

The population of Massachusetts, although they 
have through their legislature opposed the general 
government, in the late sanguinarv conflict, are 
" essentially republican:" they have been led 
astray from the path in which their fathers trod 



( 156 ) 

by the wrong association of ideas exhibited be- 
fore their intellectual eyes, by men who pant for 
power in the republic, and not as many suppose, 
royalty. I do not, I cannot believe that even the 
American born leaders of the federalists of New- 
England would erect a monarchical government on 
the ruins of our republic, if it was in their power. 
There may be some indeed, who are base and 
abominable enough to act thus, but I believe they 
are very few, and are chiefly foreigners; but I do 
contend that all federal republicans are bound to 
cashire such men when recognised in their ranks, 
or they should at least come out from among the 
eulogists of monarchy, who have the consummate 
effrontery to advocate directly or indirectly the 
"Divine right of kings,'' and the laws of primo- 
genitureship in this free country. Let them rally 
under the standard of their country, that their 
children may participate the precious liberty their 
own fathers died to purchase for posterity. The 
Almighty has most indubitably a predilection 
for the U. States as he had for his Israelitish the-* 
ocracy, and the fact is clearly demonstrated in the 
late war; and it requires no spirit of divination to 
foresee that what the British navy is now, the 
American navy, though at present in its infancy, 
will be in following years. 1 will take the 
liberty to particularize a thought that this moment 
stitick my mind, which will appear, no doubt, 
both chimerical and romantic — it is this: that the 
nations of Europe, who will not suffer the light 
of political knowledge to shine upon their minds, 
and will, forsooth, worship their wicked kings, . 
popes, bishops, and priests, lords, dukes, earls, 1 
and marquises, will be left to dwindle into their 
primeval insignificance, and take a countermarch 



C i5r ; 

back to their original barbarian ignorance, while 
our gracious sovereign will reserve these Uni- 
ted States to be the assylum for all the individuals 
of Europe who wish to be free, and refuse to kiss 
the royal foot that kicks them, and support the 
episcopal hand that loads them with chains, and 
immures them in an inquisition. Thus, by im- 
portation, as well as by propagation, will our free, 
enlightened, and independent population be ex- 
tended to South America on the one part, and the 
Pacific Ocean on the other. Although at present 
the people of Spanish America are permitted by 
Heav£n to be unfortunate, and are forced to serve 
their oppressors, in order, when they are delivered 
therefrom, they may duly appreciate the intrinsic 
value of civil and religious liberty. Yet I firmly 
believe the day is not far distant when they vvill 
rise superior to their present tyrants, and become 
a sister republic, adopting our institutions and 
government. Thus, in my opinion, will all Ameri- 
ca be revolutionized, north and south, from the 
frigid to the torrid zone, awd from the Adantic to 
the Pacific Oceans. Tho^e who feel disposed to 
laugh at this (as they will think) premature hy- 
pothesis, vvill please to remember what the Euro- 
pean nations were when the Roman common- 
wealth was in the full tide of its glory, and now 
contrast the one with the other: — so great will 
be the dissimilarity between the European and 
American states in following years. The Ameri- 
can nation will not only be the most potent and 
enlightened, but also the most singular nation that 
is or ever was on earth; while the European villas 
will become j unguis for wild beasts — the Ameri- 
can wilderness will blossom like the rose — flou- 
rishing cities will be erected on the shores of the 

o 



( 158 ) 

Pacific as on the Atlantic Ocean, and an inland 
passage established of three thousand miles be- | 
tvveen them: — the natives thereof will be instruct- 
ed, not by the votaries of bigotry and supersti- | 
tion, and the slaves of priest and king-craft, as the J 
aborigines of Europe originally were, but by the 1 
free-born, the liberal, the enlightened sons of li- 
berty and Columbia: and as our ships now plough 
the Atlantic, so will they in following years plough 
the Pacific Ocean.— Our land will extend to all 
climates, and our '' bits of striped bunting'' wave 
wherever the billows roll or winds can wave them: 
then will England be, at least in a naval point of 
view, what Carthage is now, and America what 
England is now. However, let this hypothesis be 
as it may, I devoutly pray that the light of reli- 
gious and political knowledge may shine upon all 
men who wish to be free and independent, and 
who feel disposed to worship no king but the 
King of Heaven, and pay homage to no priest 
but our blessed Redeemer, the high priest of our 
holy religion. But to return: — I would beseech 
both of the great political parties in the United 
States, to leaVn from the forbearance of God to 
them to bear with one another: let the demo's 
of the south, when they are about dealing politi- 
cal anathemas to their brethren of the east, let 
them remember Bunkers-hill, and be mild and mo- 
derate in their animadversions, and not punish or 
wish to punish the innocent with the guilty: and I 
even the subsequent vice of a delinquent should! 
not totally obliterate his antecedent virtue. Mildl 
words and kind expostulations will metanaorphoze 
an enemy to a friend, and vice vresa, with bitter 
words of reproach and calumny. 



( 159 ) 

A word to the federalists of Massachusetts.'-r— 
Perhaps no state in the union contributed more 
largely and invincibly to establish the liberty and 
independence of the United States than your state. 
Then let not the imperfection of the men in pow- 
er cause you to oppose the government your fa- 
thers died to establish; use alfconstitutional means 
to correct abuses, but no violent means. He who 
is not willing to submit to a government esta- 
blished and supported by the majority, it not a 
true republican, profess what he may; and should 
not the federalists in power in Massachusetts use 
political moderation themselves, while they de- 
claim against the intolerance of the democrats in 
power in the district of Columbia? Surely they 
should. A contrary line of conduct will have a 
direct tendency to hurl them from office, or other- 
wise cause their enterprising and valuable oppo- 
nents to emigrate to other states more congenial 
to their principles, and favourable to their talents. 
This they have done and are still doing: — I mean 
emigrating from the eastern to the western states; 
and this is a very serious evil, and pregnant with 
the most fatal consequences to the eastern states, 
which I tremble to think of, much more to express. 

From such fatal consequences good Lord deliver 
us. The federalists now in pov/er in Massachusetts 
by acting intolerant, will give the lie in form to the 
assertions of all the federalists in the union, and 
be a burlesque on their collective pretentions. It 
will cause all people who have common sense to 
dread and despise them, because every body 
knows that if all the state legislatures, opposed 
the general government as that of Massachusetts 
unhappily have done during the late war; the re- 
publicans of the United States, would be this day 



( 160 ) 

in the same lamentable state, those of Spanish 
America now are in, and the bloody standard of 
despotism would now surmount the ^''bits of strips 
ed bunting^'* throughout the United States, and 
the last remains of civil and religious freedom 
would be exterminated from the face of the earth. 

A word to the population of Massachusetts in ge- 
neral. Your wealth, }our numbers, your talents, 
your private virtues; but above all, the distin- 
guishtd, the honourable, the successful part you 
acted in the revolution, entitle you to a large share 
of influence in the national legislature. 

This influence you have totally lost; investi- 
gate and remove the cause that has produced this 
unpleasant and mortifying effect. You say the con- 
stitution of the United States. is defective. If so, 
the proper mode of amendment is at hand, and 
ready provided; let these defects be exhibited in 
a constitutional manner, and let the majority cor- 
rect them if real, and if only supposed, let the 
minority submit to the decision of the majority 
as thev are in duty bound, agreeable to the fun- 
damental principles of republicanism. 

To the People of New England Collec- 
tively — I would intreat to remember the va- 
lour of their departed parents, and the guardian 
care of their heavenly Parent in '* the times that 
tried nien's souls," and show their gratitude by 
properly appreciating and protecting the liberty 
they purchased with their blood. A vaunt then, 
all party prejudices, and let the sons of the north 
join their brethren of the south in returning the 
grateful tribute of thanksgiving to our Almighty 
Sovereign for the recent restoration of an honour- 



( 161 ) 

able peace. Let us all rejoice in the happy result 
of the contest in which we were engaged. The 
rights and honour of the republic, have been main- 
tained under peculiar disadvantages. The world 
has seen what we have done with one hand, and 
they know what we could do v/ith both. The 
energies, the public spirit, the lyiexampled valour 
of the sons of liberty at a time of arduous trial, 
have been unfolded, and will, no doubt, in future 
guard us from the insult and injury which previ- 
ously were heaped upon us by the belligerents till 
the cup of our patient endurance was full and run- 
ning over. Let us all, now peace is restored, 
prove faithful to the federal union, reverence the 
laws, and look down local prejudice and political 
intolerance, seeing *' we are all republicans, all fe- 
deralists." Let all tories, monarchists and aristo- 
crats in this free country, be considered as snakes 
m the grass, or like the dog in the manger. If 
they will not enjoy the blessings of civil liberty 
themselves, let them not at their peril attempt to 
rob their neighbours of this sacred blessing. And 
if they wish for royalty, let them cross the Atlan- 
tic, and there enjoy it in superabundance, and there 
worship their kings and priests as much as they 
choose. Oh! people of the United States, let us 
all with one accord recapitulate the mercies of 
our gracious King, that our hearts may be enflam- 
ed with supreme gratitude to him. I hear, or me- 
thinks^ I hear, the true American repeating the 
following soliloquy or acknowledgment of the 
divine bounty to these United States, with senti- 
ments of unfeigned gratitude. 

* Yes, I humbly acknowledge that no people 
on earth ought to feel greater obligations to cele- 
brate the goodness of the great disposer of events 

2 ■ y 



( 162 ) 

liiicl of the destiny of nations, than the people of 
the United States. His kind Providence origi- 
nally conducted them to one of the best portions 
of the dwelling place, allowed for the great fami- 
ly of the human race. He protected and cherish- 
ed them, under all the difficulties and trials to 
which they were exposed in their early days. Un- 
der his fostering care, their habits, their senti- 
mentSj and their pursuits, prepared them for a 
transition in due time, for a state of independ- 
ence and of self government. In the arduous 
struggle by which it was attained, they were dis- 
tinguished by multiplied tokens of his benign hi- 
terposition. During the interval which succeed- 
ed, he reared them into the strength, and endow- 
ed them with the resources, which have enabled 
them to assert their national rights, and to enhance 
their national character, in another arduous con- 
flict, which is now happily terminated, by a peace 
and reconciliation with those who have been our 
enemies. And to the same Divine Author of 
every good and perfect gift, we are indebted for 
all those privileges and advantages, religious as 
well as civil, which are so richly enjoyed in this 
favoured land. 

** If there is a country on earth, since the days of 
the ancient Jews, that may be styled happy ^ it is 
the territory occupied and inhabited by the 
people of the United States of America. It is a 
country (including Louisana) of great extent, em- 
bracing every desirable degree of climate, and 
containing all the varieties of soil. It produces 
in abundance all kinds of nourishing grain, vege- 
tables, fruits, and mineral substances. Animals 
of every tribe flourish and luxuriate in its exten-. 
sive pastures. Man (by divine bounty) the Lord 



( 163 ) 

of the inferior creation here rears his head with 
becoming dignity. 

Unawed by the arbitrary mandate of a master, 
uncramped by the imperious will and command 
of a tyrant, he can call himself and his possessions 
his own. The operations of his mind are free; he 
can reason upon the subjects of religion and civil 
government and publish his sentiments without 
control; and choose his own religion and his own 
legislator; without being compelled to support a 
sect or profession he cannot with a good con- 
science embrace, or to obey a law that he has not 
by his representatives given his consent to. 

Other nations may be mentioned, who possess 
a fine climate, a rich soil, valuable produce of 
every kind; but devested of the civil and religious 
rights of man, 

The poor inhabitant 



Sighs, in the midst of nature's bounties curst^ 
And in the gen'rous vineyard dies for thirst! 

Where is the country (America excepted) that 
possesses a free representative government. Where 
is the country, that is not more or less encumber- 
ed with a civil establishment in religion. It is the 
peculiar excellence of the American Constitution, 
that it not only possesses a general representative 
government, but that every particular state has its 
own distinct legislature within itself. This pre- 
serves a proper equilibrium, answers every pur- 
pose of security, protection and defence, and seems 
to promise stability and long duration. — Ameri- 
ca has set an instructive example to the world, 
that religion may exist, may prosper and flourish, 
without the aid of a civil establishment. How 
man^ churches have been erected and are sup- 



( i64 ) 

ported in this eity, and elsewhere, by the volunta- 
ry donations and contributions of individuals* 
How pleasing, how exceedingly gratifying is it to 
a generous and philanthropic mind to behold them 
all on an equal footing — to think that the richest 
and most numerous sects enjoy no legal privile^ 
ges or prerogatives above the smallest and the ^ 
least opulent, that none are guarded by test or cor- 
poration acts, that none e^cist only by connivance 
or permission, that all are equally under the pro- 
tection of the laws of the state, and that toleration 
and intoleratioriy are equally unknown in this /lap- 
py country, 

" It was God who preserved and protected the 
first settlers in this country, when they were com- 
paratively few, and struggling almost under un- 
surmountable difficulties. Under his guardian and 
fostering hand they grew up and flourished, and 
converted woods and deserts into fruitful lands. 
It was God who carried our countrymen honour- 
ably and successfully through the hard and diffi- 
cult trials and conflicts of the revolutionary war. 
He saved\k\tvci with a mighty salvation. He was 
the shield of their help and the sroord of their excel- 
lency. It was God who inspired and directed 
their wise men to form good and estimable Con- 
stitutions, and establish a system of civil and re- 
ligious liberty w^hich may justly challenge the ad- 
miration of the world. It was the same almighty 
and merciful Being who saved us in the late war, 
who covered the heads of our dear countrymen in 
the day of battle, infused courage, skill and acti- 
vity into the minds of our warriors by sea and 
land, and granted us so many splendid victories 
over our enemies. This salvation appears still 
the more illustrious when we take into conside- 



(^ 166 J 

ration, that by a strange and unexpected revolu- 
tion in the aftairs of Europe, the most warlike and 
best disciplined troops of a powerlul nation, high- 
ly exasperated, were sent against us, and yet were 
foiled and defeated in repeated actions, by men 
lately raised and little accustomed to martial ope- 
rations." 

These are only a few^ of the many mercies and 
favours conferred upon our country by a kind 
Providence, for which may we ever prove grateful. 



As our limits will not permit us to enlarge, we 
will briefly exhibit a glimpse or specimen of the 
American victories on land, on the lakes, and on 
the ocean: particularly the gallant defence of New- 
Orleans, of the frigate President, and the victory 
on Lake Erie. It would take a folio volume to con- 
tain a detailed account of all the distinguished 
victories that crowned the American arms in the 
late war; but as they are fresh in the memories of 
my readers in general, and as a volume is now 
publishing with a detailed account thereof, it will 
be superfluous for me to particularise more than 
a k\v, as a specimen of the valour and patriotism 
of the American people. 

BAT! LE QF NEW OllLE ANS. 

COPY OF A LETTER PROM MAJOR GENERAL 
JACKSON, TO THE SECRETARY OF WAR, 
DATED 

Camp, i miles heloiv Orleans, 9lh Jannanjy 1815- 
Sir — During the days of the 6th and 7th, the 
enemy had been actively employed in making pre- 
parations for an attack on my' lines. With infi- 
nite labour they had succeeded on the ni^ht of the 



( ^66 ) 

4 

7th in getting their boats across from the lake to 
the river, by widening and deepening the canal 
on which they had eifected their disembarkation. 
It had not been in my power to impede these ope- 
rations by a general attack; added to other rea- 
sons, the natvire of the troops imder m}^ com- 
^mand, mostly militia, rendered it too hazardous 
to attempt extensive offensive movements in an 
open country, against a numerous and well disci- 
plined army. Although my forces, as to num- 
ber, had been increased by the arrival of the Ken- 
tucky division, my strength had received very 
little addition; a small portion only of that de- 
tachment being provided with arms. Compelled 
thus to wait the attack of the eneniy, I took every 
measure to repel it when it should be made, and 
to defeat the object he had in view. General Mor- 
gan, with the Orleans contingent, the Louisiana 
militia, and a strong detachment of the Kentucky 
troops, occupied an entrenched camp on the op- 
posite side of the river, protected by strong bat- 
teries on the bank, erected and superintended by 
commodore Patterson. 

In 7ny encampment every thing was ready for 
action, when, early on the morning of the 8th, the 
enemy, after throwing a heavy shower of bombs 
and Congreve rockets, advanced their columns on 
my right and left, to storm my entrenchments. I 
cannot speak sufficiently in praise of the firmness 
and deliberation with which my whole line re- 
ceived their approach — more could not have been J 
expected from veterans inured to war. — For an 
hour, the fire of the small arms was as incessant 
and severe as can be imagined. The artillery, too, 
directed by officers who displayed equal skill and 
courage, did great execution. Yet the columns I 



of the enemy continued to advance with a firm- 
ness which reflects upon them the greatest credit. 
Twice the column which approached me on my 
left was repulsed by the troops of general Carroll, 
those of general Coffee, and a division of Kentucky 
militia, and twice they formed again and renewed 
the assault. At length, however, cut to pieces, 
they fled in confusion from the field, leaving it 
covered with their dead and wounded. The loss 
which the enemy sustained on this occasion, can- 
not be estimated at less than 1500 in killed, 
wounded and prisoners. Upwards of 300 have 
already been delivered over for burial; and my 
men are still engaged in picking them up within 
my lines and carrying them to the point where 
the enemy are to receive them — I'his is in addi- 
tion to the dead and wounded whom, the enemy 
have been enabled to carry from the field, during 
and since the action, and to those who have since 
died of the wounds they received. We have ta- 
ken about 500 prisoners, upwards of three hun- 
dred of whom are wounded, and a great part of 
them mortally. My loss has not exceeded, and 
I believe has not amounted to ten killed, and as 
many wounded. The entire destruction of the 
enemy's arniy was now inevitable, had it not been 
for an unfortunate occurrence ^^'hich at this mo- 
ment took place on the other side of the river. 
Simultaneously with his advance upon my lines, 
he had thrown over in his boats a considerable 
force to the other side of the river. These hav- 
ing landed, were hardy enough to advance against 
the works of general Morgan; and, what is strange 
and diflicult to account for, at the very moment 
when their entire discomfiture was looked for 
with a confidence approaching to certainty, the 



( 168 ) 

Kentucky reinforcements, in whom so much re- 
liance had been placed, ingloriously fled, drawing 
after them, by their example, the remainder of 
the forces; and thus yielding to the enemy that 
most important position. The batteries which 
had rendered me, for many days, the most im- 
portant service, though bravely defended, were 
of course now abandoned; not however until the 
guns had been spiked. 

This unfortunate rout had totally changed the 
aspect of affairs. The enemy now occupied a 
position from which they might annoy us with- 
out hazard, and by means of which they might 
have been enabled to defeat, in a great measure, 
the efforts of our success on this side of the river. 
It became, therefore, an object of the first conse- 
quence to dislodge him as soon as possible. For 
this object, all the means in my power, which I 
could with any safety use, were immediately put 
in preparation. Perhaps, however, it was owing 
somewhat to another cause that I succeeded even 
beyond my expectations. In negociatmg the 
terms of a temporary suspension of hostilities to 
enable the enemy to bury their dead and provide 
for their wounded, I had required certain propo- 
sitions to be acceded to as a basis, among which 
this was one — that although hostilities should 
cease on this side of the river until 12 o'clock of 
this day, yet it was not to be understood that they 
should cease on the other side; but that no rein- 
forcements should be sent across by either army 
until the expiration of that day. His excellency 
major general Lambert begged time to consider 
of those propositions until 10 o'clock of to-day, . 
and in the mean time re-crossed his troops. I need ^ 
not tell you with how much eagerness 1 immedi- 



( 169 ) 

dtely regained possession of the position he had 
thus hastily quitted. 

The enemy having concentered his forces may 
again attempt to drive me from my position by 
storm. ^ Whenever he does, I have no doubt my 
men will act with their usual firmness, and sus- 
tain a character now become dear to them. 
I have the honour to be, with great respect. 
Your obedient servant, 

ANDREW JACKSON, 
Major General Commajiding. 

Head qtiavters, left bank of the Mississippi, 
Fivemiles heloiv^ew Orleans, January 10, 1815, 

Sir — I have the honour to make the followino- 
report of the killed, wounded and prisoners taken 
at the battle of Laron's plantation, on the left 
bank of the Mississippi, on the night of the third 
December, 1814, 7 miles below N. Orleans. 

Killed, left on the field of battle, - lOO 

Wounded, left on tJie field of battle, - 280 
Prisoners taken— 1 major, 2 lieuten- 
ants, 1 midshipman, 66 non-comissioned 
officers and p.ivates, making a grand 
total of 400. 

I have the honour to be, sir, very respectfully 
your obedient servant, "^ ' 

If ' r a . r^*,^- HAYNE, Insp. Gen. 
^naj, {jcn, Jlndrexv Jackson, commanding 
the Jlrmy of the Mississippi, 



( 1^0 ) 
FURTHER PARTICULARS. 

COPY OF A LETTER FROM A GENTLEMAN IN 
NEW-ORLEANS, TO A MEMBER OF CONGRESS. 

tXaV' Orleans, ±3th Jan. 1515. 

Dear Sir — Knowing the interest you must 
feel in the movements of the enemy in this quar- 
ter, I will now continue my account up to this 
date. In my last I mentioned a reinforcement 
daily expected by the enemy, which I now un- 
derstand was at that time actually received by 
them at Cat Island, having arrived in a fleet of 
twenty- one sail, said to be from Portsmouth. — 
This force is said to consist of 3000 men, and to^ 
be commanded by general Lambert, and proba- ' 
^ly forms the first brigade of their present army. 
- — On the 6th these troops were disembarked at 
the Bayou Benvenu. The enemy had now re- 
mained quiet for three or four days, keeping us 
in a state of uneasy suspense and fearful uncer- ; 
tainty. During this ominous interval, part of their 
forces was empoyed in preparing scaling ladders, 
and collecting fascines (made of sugar canes) for 
their intended assault upon our lines, while others 
were digging; a canal, communicating with that 
through which they enteied, and extended to the 
levee, which, on the evening of the 7th, was cut 
through to admit the river. Through this canal 
they floated or dragged 24 of their smaller boats, 
supposed to contain 25 men each, and thus trans- 
ported about 6P0 men to the opposite side of the 
river, some distance below the spot where we had 
constructed our batteries. These troops, under 
the command of colonel Thornton, were intend- 



( 171 } 

ed to make a dash at our batteries, and create a 
diversion on that side of the river, while the main 
attack was carried on ihis side. 

Accordingly, before day-light on the morning 
of the 8th, they silently drew out a large force to 
stormour lines, their columns advancing unpercei- 
ved in the obscurity of the morning, to within 
about half a mile of our camp, where they met 
and drove in our piquet guard. About day -break 
they advanced with great vivacity to the entrench- 
ments, led gallantly on by their officers up to the 
very muzzles of our guns. Some of their men 
penetrated into our lines, where they were im- 
mediately killed or taken prisoners; many fell 
mounting the breast works; others upon the 
works themselves, and the ditch in front, was, in 
many places, literally filled with dead and wound- 
ed. The roar of artillery from our lines was in- 
cessant, while an unremitted rolling fire was kept 
up from our muskets. The atmosphere was fil^ 
led with sheets of fire, and volumes of smoke. 
For an hour and a quarter the enemy obstinately 
continued the assault; fresh men constantly ar- 
riving to fill up their lines, thinned by our fire. 
Their determined perseverance and steady valor, 
were worthy a better cause; nor did their troops 
faulter, until almost all the officers who led them 
on had fallen. They then retreated, leaving from 
1500 to 2000 in killed, wounded and prisoners — 
in this number are included thirty-nine officers- 
On our side the loss was confined to about 20 
men, 7 only of whom were killed. Though our 
extreme right was attacked with great vivacity, 
yet the principal assault was made on our left, 
where general (,offee's brigade of riflemen were 
stationed, and the carnage there was prodigious. 



( 172 ) 



Our men, covered by their breastworks, took 
steady and deliberate aim, and almost every shot 
told. The enemy drew out eight regiments to 
the attack, animated by the presence of their com- 
mander in chief, Packenham, and led on by gene- 
rals Gibbs and Kean. 



AN INTERESTING ACCOUNT OF THE NAVAL 
CONFLICT ON LAKE ERIE. 

Commodore Perry arrived at Erie in June, 
Avith live small vessels, from Black Rock. — The 
Queen Charlotte and Lady Prevost, were cruis- 
ing off Long Point to intercept him — he passed 
them in the night unperceived. The Lawrence ^ 
and Niagara were then on the stocks — every ex- 
ertion was made to exj)edite their building and 
equipment, and early in August they were ready 
to sail. But it was necessary to pass the bar at 
the entrance of the harbour, over which there was 
but six feet water, and the brigs drew nine. The 
British fleet appeared off the harbour, for the pur- 
pose of preventing our's from going to the lake! 
— The means employed by our officers to take 
the brigs over the bar, were ingenious and de- 
serve mention. Two large scows, fifty feet long, 
ten feet wide, and eight feet deep, were prepared 
— they were first filled with water and then float- 
ed along side one of the vessels in a parallel di- 
rection; they were then secured by means of large 
pieces of hewn timber placed athwart ship, with 
both ends projecting from the port holes across 
the scows; the space between the timbers and the 
boat, being secured by other pieces properly ar- 



( 173 ) 

ranged; the water was then bailed from the scows, 
thereby giving them an astonishing lifting power. 
It was thus that the bar was passed, before the 
enemy had taken the proper steps to oppose it. 
One obstacle was surmounted, but the fleet was 
not in a condition to seek the enemy at Maiden. 
There was not at this time more than half sailors 
enough to man the fleet. However, a number of 
Pennsylvania militia having volunteered their ser- 
vices, the commodore made a short cruise off* 
Long Point, more perhaps, for the purpose of ex- 
ercising his men than seeking an enemy. 

About the last of August commodore Perry 
left Erie, to co-operate with general Harrison in 
the reduction of Maiden. He anchored off" the 
mouth of Sandusky river, and had an interview 
with general Harrison, who furnished him widi 
about seventy volunteers, principally Kentucki- 
ans, to serve as marines on board the fleet. Capt. 
Dobbin, in the Ohio, was ordered to return to 
Erie for provisions. The Amelia had been left 
there for want of men to man her. Exclusive of 
these he had nine sail, mounting in all fifty-four 
guns. The British fleet at Maiden, consisted of 
six sail, and mounted sixty-six guns. 

Commodore Perry appeared before Maiden, 
offered battle, reconnoitered the enemy and retir- 
ed to Put-in-Bay, thirty-five miles distant from 
his antagonist. Both parties remained a few days 
inactive; but their repose was that of the lion. 

On the^morningof the 10th September, at sun- 
rise, the enemy were discovered bearing down 
from Maiden for the evident purpose of attackinjr 
our squadron, then at anchor in Put-in-Bay^ 
Not a moment was to be lost. Our squadron 
immediately got under way, and stood out to 

p2 



( 174 ) 

meet the British fleet, which at this time had the 
weather gage. At 10 A, M. the wind shifted from 
S. W. to S. E. which brought our squadron to 
windward. The wind was Hght, the day beauti- 
ful — not a cloud obscured the horizon. The 
line was formed at 11, and commodore Perry 
caused an elegant flag, which he had privately pre- 
pared, to be hoisted at the mast head of the Law- 
rence; on this flag was painted, in characters legi- 
ble to the whole fleet, the dying words of the im- 
mortal Lawrence: — " Don't give up the ship.'' "^ 
Its efl'ect is not to be described — every heart was 
electrified — the crews cheered — the exhilarating 
can was passed. Both fleets appeared eager for 
the conflict, on the result of which so much de- 
pended. At 15 minutes before 12, the Detroit, 
the head-most ship of the enemy, opened upon the 
Lawrence, which for ten minutes, was obliged to 
sustain a well directed and heavy fire from the 
enemy's two large ships, without being able to re- 
turn it with carronades; at five minutes before 
twelve the Lawrence opened upon the enemy — 
the other vessels was ordered to support her, but 
the wind was at this time too light to enable them 
to come up. Every brace and bowline of the 
Lawrence being soon shot away, she became un- 
manageable, and in this situation she sustained 
the action upwards of two hours, within canister 
distance, until every gun was rendered useless, 
and but a small part of her crew left unhurt upon 
deck. 

At half past two the wind increased and enabled 
the Niagara to come into close action — the gun- 
boats took a nearer position. Commodore Per- 
ry left his ship in charge of Lt. Yarnel, and went 
on board the Niagara. Just as he reached that 



C ^75 ) 

vessel, the flag of the Lawrence came down; the 
crisis had arrived. Capt. ElHott at this moment 
anticipated the wishes of the commodore, by vo- 
lunteering his services to bring the schooners in- 
to close action. 

At forty-five minutes past two the signal was 
made for close action. The Niagara being very 
little injured, and her crew fresh, the commodore 
determined to pass through the enemy's line; he 
accordingly bore up and passed ahead of the De- 
troit, Queen Charlotte, and Lady Prevost, pour- 
ing a terrible raking fire into fhem from the star- 
board guns, and on the Chippeway and Little 
Belt, from the larboard side, at half pistol shot 
distance. The small vessels at this time having 
got within grape and canister distance, kept up a 
well directed and destructive fire. The action 
now raged with the greatest fury — the Queen 
Charlotte having lost her commander and several 
of her principal officers, in a moment of confu- 
sion got foul of the Detroit — in this situation the 
enemy in their turn had to sustain a tremendous 
fire without the power of returning it with much 
effect; the carnage was horrible — the flags of the 
Detroit, Queen Charlotte and Lady Pevost, were 
struck in rapid succession. The brig Hunter, 
and schooner Chippeway, were soon compelled 
to follow the example. The Little Beh attempt- 
ed to escape to Maiden, but she was pursued by 
two of the gun-boats and surrendered about three 
miles distant from the scene of action. 

The writer of this account, in company with 
five others, arrived at the head of Put-in-Bay 
island, on the evenmg of the 9th, and had a view 
of the action, at the distance of only ten miles. 
The spectacle was truly grand and awful. The 



( 176 ) 

firing was incessant for the space of three hours, 
and continued at short intervals forty-five minutes 
longer. In less than one hour after the battle be- 
gan, most of the vessels of both fleets were enve- 
loped in a cloud of smoke, which rendered the 
issue of the action uncertain, till the next morn- 
ing, when we visited the fleet in the harbour on 
the opposite side of the island. The reader will 
easily judge of our solicitude to learn the result. 
There is no sentiment more painful than suspence, 
when it is excited by the uncertain issue of an 
event like this. 

If the wind had continued at S. W. it was the 
intention of Admiral Barclay to have boarded our 
squadron; for this purpose he had taken on board 
his fleet about two hundred of the famous 41st 
regiment; they acted as marines and fought brave- 
ly, but nearly two-thirds of them were either kil- 
led or wounded. 

The carnage on board the prizes was prodigi- 
ous — they must have lost two hundred in killed 
besides wounded. The sides of the Detroit and 
Queen Charlotte were shattered from bow to 
stern; there was scarcely room to place one's hand 
on their larboard sides without touching the im- 
pression of a shot — a great many balls, canister 
and grape, were found lodged in their bulwarks, 
which were too thick to be penetrated by our car- 
ronades unless within pistol shot -listance. Their 
masts were so much shattered that they fell over- 
board soon after they got into the bay. 

The loss of the Americans was severe, particu- 
larly on board the Lawrence. When her flag was 
struck she had but nine men fit for duty remain- 
ing on deck. Her sides were completely riddled 
by the shot from the long guns of the British ships. 



Her deck, the morning after the conllict, when I 
first went on board, exhibited a scene that defies 

description for it was litercilly covered with 

blood, which still adhered to the plank in clots — 
brains, hair and fragments of bones were still 
sticking to the rigging and sides. The surgeons 
were still busy with the wounded — enough! hor- 
ror appalled my senses. 

Among the wounded were several brave fel- 
lows, each of whom had lost a leg or an arm — 
they appeared cheerful and expressed a hope that 
they had done their duty. Rome and Sparta 
would have been proud of these heroes. 

It would be iivvidious to particularize instan- 
ces of individual merit, where every one so nobly 
performed his part. Of the nine seamen remain- 
ing unhurt at the time the Lawrence struck her 
flag, five were immediately promoted for their un- 
shaken firmness in such a trying situation. The 
most of these had been in the actions with the 
Gurriere and Java. 

Every ofiicer of the Lawrence, except the com- 
modore and his little brother, a promising youth, 
13 years old, were either killed or wounded. 

The efficacy of the gun- boats was fully proved 
in this action, and the sterns of all the prizes bear 
ample testimony of the fact. They took raking 
positions and galled the enemy severely. The 
Lady Prevost lost twelve men before either of the 
brigs fired on her. Their fire was quick and pre- 
cise. Let us hear the enemy. The general or- 
der of adjutant general Baynes, contains the fol- 
lowing words: '' His (Perry's) numerous gun 
boats, (four) which had proved the greatest an- 
noyance during the action, were all uninjured." 



( 1^8 ) 

The undaunted bravery of Admiral Barclay en^ 
titled him to a better fate; to the loss of the day 
was superadded grievous and dangerous wounds. 
He had before lost an arm; it was now his hard 
fortune to lose the use of the other, by a shot 
which carried away the blade of the right shoul- 
der; a canister shot made a violent contusion in 
his hip; his wounds were for some days consider- 
ed mortal. Every possible attention was paid to 
his situation. When com. Perry sailed for Buf- 
faloe, he was so far recovered that he took pas- 
sage on board our fleet. The fleet touched at Erie. 
The citizens saw the affecting spectacle of Harri- 
son and Perry leading the wounded British hero, 
still unable to walk without help, from the beach 
to their lodgings. 

On board of the Detroit, twenty-four hours af- 
ter her surrender, were found snugly stowed away 
in the hold, two Indian Chiefs, who had the cou- 
rage to go on board at Maiden, for the purpose of 
acting as sharp shooters to kill our ofliicers. One 
had the courage to ascend into the round top and dis- 
charged his piece, but the whizzing of shot, splin- 
ters, and bits of rigging, soon made the place too 
warm for him — he descended faster than he went 
up; at the moment he reached the deck, the frag- 
ments of a seaman's head struck his comrade's 
face, and covered it with blood and brains. He 
vociferated the savage interjection " qiiothP'* and 
both sought safety below. 

The British officers had domesticated a hear at 
Maiden. Bruin accompanied his comrades to 
battle — was on the deck of the Detroit during the 
engagement, and escaped unhurt. 

The killed of both fleets were thrown overboard 
as fast as they fell. Several were washed ashore 



C 179 ) 

upon the island and the main during the gales that 
succeeded the action. 

Com. Perry treated the prisoners with humanity 
and indulgence; several Canadians having wives 
at Maiden, were permitted to visit their families 
on parole. 

The British were superior in the length and 
number of their guns, as well as in the number of 
men. The American fleet was manned with a 
motly set of beings, Europeans, Africans, Ame- 
ricans from every part of the United States. Full 
one fourth were blacks. I saw one Russian, who 
could not speak a word of English. Thev 4vere 
brave — and who could be otherwise under the 
command of Perry? 

STATEAIENT OF THE FORCE OF THE BRITISH SQUADRON. 

Ship Detroit ' 19 guns 1 on pivot, and 2 

r\ /Ml howitzers. 

Queen Charlotte 17 do. 1 do. 

Schr. Lady Prevost 1 3 do. I do. 

Brig Hunter 10 do. 

Sloop Little Belt 3 do. 

Schr. Chippevvay 1 do. and 2 swivels. 

63 guns 

STATEMENT OF THE FORCE OF THE UNITED STATES'' 

SQUADRON. 

Brig Lawrence 20 guns 

Niagara 20 do. 

Caladonia 3 do. 

Schr. Ariel 4 do. ( I burst early in the action) 

Scorpion 2 do. ^ 

Somers 2 do. and 2 swivels 
Sloop Trippe 1 do. 

Schr. Tigress I do. 

Porcupine 1 do. 

54 guns. 



( 180 ) 
VICT our BY LJirB JLXB WATEU, 

DEFF.AT OF THE BRITISH ARMY AT PLATTSBURG. 

copy OF A LETTER FROM GEN. MACOMB TO HIS 
FATHER IN ALBANY, DATED 

FortMoreau, September 12. 

Mt dear FATHER — -The British army under 
Sir George Prevost, consisting of four brigades, 
each commanded by a major general of experience 
■ — a light corps and squadron of dragoons, and an 
imnaense train of artillery, invested us for six 
days, during which period our troops in small 
parties skirmished with them and took prisoners 
and killed many. Yesterday they opened their 
batteries on us with bombs, 24 prs. howitzers and 
rockets, but we oilenced the whole by six in the 
evening. 

I'heir fleet attacked ours at the same time, and af- 
ter an engagement of two hours their large vessels 
all struck to our gallant commodore. The gallies 
ran off. The British commodore was slain, and 
the killed and wounded is numerous Our loss 
is one lieutenant, and 15 killed, and one lieuten- 
ant and 30 men wounded. 

The Britibh army raised the siege last night or ra- 
ther this morning, at 2 o'clock; and are now in full 
retreat, leaving on the field their wounded and 
sick. Sir George has requested me to treat them 
with liumanity and kindness. Our whole force 
does not exceed 1500 effectives. 

I have sent the militia and my light troops in 
pursuit — they are constantly taking prisoners and 
sending in deserters — I am in hopes of destroying 
at least one third of the British army. I am in 



( 181 ) 

perfect health. My poor troops are the remnant of 
Gen. Izard's army, invalids and convalescents, ex- 
cept about 600 men. 

lam in haste ^ &c. 

Alexander Macomb. 

EXTRACT TO THE EDITOR OF THE AURORA, DATED 

Burlington, Sept, i'Zf 1814. 

" Yesterday, after an action of 2 hours, 5 mi- 
nutes, Macdonough beat and captured the British 
fleet of much superior force — and this morning-, 
at 2 o'clock, sir George Prevost raised the siege 
and abandoned the field, leaving his dead and 
wounded." 



CAPTURE OF THE FRIGATE PRESIDENT. 

Of all our conflicts on the ocean in the late war, I 
consider that in which this frigate was taken as the 
most heroic on the part of commodore Decatur. 
Ahhough the lying English journals boldly and un- 
blushingly assert that the President was captured 
by the Endymion; and the merchants of Bermu- 
da presented captain Hope of the alcove ii ig-ate 
witii a service of silver plate for so doing, which 
he had the meanness to accept. Notwithstanding 
these mental and vocal lies, it is a stubborn fact 
that the Endymion was silenced, dismantled, and 
fairly beaten by the President. 

" With the exception of the alien enemies 
amongst us, who have been naturalized in order 
to be spies, all persons heard of the event with 
mingled emotions of pride and regret — pride that 



( 182 ) 

the honour of our flag was gloriously sustained, 
and that the flag was not levelled to an equal foe 
— regret that such skill and courage had such 
fearful odds to contend against, and that so many 
brave fellows fell in such an unequal conflict. 

This is the third frigate that the enemy have ta- 
ken from us — the Chesapeake by a vessel of su- 
perior force; the Essex by two vessels carrying 
twice as many guns as she did; and the President 
by three frigates and a 74 — all of them after long 
and bloody actions. 

We, on the other hand, have captured three 
frigates, not with squadrons^ but with single ships^ 
of nearly, if not quite equal force; the Giierriere 
in a few minutes, and the Macedonian in a few 
minutes, and the Java after an action comparative- 
ly short when contrasted with those in which the 
enemy succeeded. 

The honour of our flag, and our naval superi- 
ority, ship to ship, far from being sullied or doubt- 
ed, are in this last instance exalted and confessed; 
Europe will hear with astonishment, that a single ^ 
frigate, just out of port, silenced one frigate, and 
was in the act of silencing the second when the 
broadsides of another frigate and a 74 were found 
necessary in order to capture her. 

It would have been expecting too much, if one ^ 
of the frigates, the largest, had claimed and taken 
the honour of single combat — but if it had done 
so, and had triumphed, the victory would have 
been a proud one; but very different is the event, 
it is such a triumph as brutal force may at any ^ 
time enjoy over a comparatively weak and unpre- 
pared antagonist." 



( 183 ) 
OFFICIAL. 



€opy of a letter from Com, Decatur, to the secre- 
tary of the navy, dated, 

H. B, M. skill Endymion, at sea, Jan. 18, 1815. 

Sir, — The painful duty of detailing to you the 
particular causes which preceded and led to the 
capture of the late U. States' frigate President, by 
a squadron of his B. Majesty's ship"^, (as per mar- 
gin) has devolved upon me. In my communis 
cation of the 14th I made known to you my in- 
tention of proceeding to sea on that evening. 
Ovying to some mistake of the pilots, the ship in 
going out grounded on the bar, where she con- 
tinued to strike heavily for an hour an a half; al- 
though she had broken several of her ruder-bra- 
ces, and had received such other material injury 
as to render her return into port desirable, I was 
unable to do so from the strong westerly wind 
which was then blowing. It being now high wa- 
ter, it became necessary to force her over the bar 
before the tide fell, in this we succeeded by ten 
o'clock, when we shaped our course along the 
shore of Long-Island for 50 miles, and then steer- 
ed S. E. by E. At 5 o'clock, three ships were 
discovered ahead; we immediately hauled up the 
ship and passed two miles to the northward of 
them. At day-light we discovered four ships in 
chase, one on each quarter, and two astern, the 
leading ship of the enemy a razee — he commenc- 
ed a fire upon us, but without effect. At meri- 
dian the wind became light and baffling, we had 
increased our distance from the razee, but the next 
ship astern, which was also a large ship, had gain- 
ed and continued to gain upon us considerably; 



( 184 ) 

we immediately occupied all hands to lighten ship, 
by starting water, cutting away the anchors, throw- 
ing overboard provisions, cables, spars; boats, and 
every article that could be got at, keeping the sails 
wet from the royals down. At 3 we had the wind 
quite light; the enemy who had now been joined 
by a brig, had a strong breeze and were coming 
up with us rapidly. The Endymion (mounting 
iii'ty guns, twenty-four pounders on the main 
deck) had now approached us within gun-shot, 
and had commenced a fire with her bj\v guns, 
which we returned from our stern. At 5 o'clock 
she had obtained a position on our starboard quar- 
ter, within half point. blank shot, on which neith- 
er our stern nor quarter guns would bear; we 
were now steering E. by N. the wind N. W. I 
remained with her in this position for half an hour, 
in the hope that she would close with us on our 
broadside, in which case I had prepared my crew 
to board, but from his continuing to yaw his ship 
to maintain his position, it became evident that 
to close was not his intention. — Every fire now 
cut some of our sails or rigging. To have con- 
tinued our course under these circumstances, 
would have been placing it in his power to crip- 
ple us, without being subject to injury himself, 
and to have hauled up more to the northward to 
bring our stern guns to bear, would have exposed 
us to his raking fire. It was now dusk, when I 
determined to alter my course south, for the pur- 
pose of bringing the enemy abeam, and although 
their ships astern were drawing up fast, 1 felt sa- 
tisfied I should be enabled to throw him out of 
the combat before they could come up, and was 
not without hopes if the night proved dark, (of 



( 183 ) 

which there was every appearance) that I might 
still be enabled to effect my escape. Our oppo- 
nent kept off at the same instant we did, and our 
fire commenced at the same time. — We continu- 
ed engaged, steering south with steering sails set, 
two hours and a half, when we completely suc- 
ceeded in dismanding htr. Previously to her 
dropping entirely out of the action, there were in- 
tervals of miimtes when the ships wxre broadside 
and broadside, in which she did not fire a gun. 
At this period (half past 8 o'clock) although dark, 
the other ships of the squadron were in sight, and 
almost within gun-shot. We were of course 
compelled to abandon her. In resuming our for- 
mer course for the purpose of avoiding the squad- 
ron, we were compelled to present our stern to our 
antagonist, but such was his state, though we 
were thus exposed and within range of his guns 
for half an hour, that he did not avail himself of 
this favourable opportunity of raking us. We 
contmued this course until eleven o'clock, when 
two fresh ships of the enemy (the Pomona and 
Tenedos) had come up. The Pomona had open- 
ed her fire on the larboard bow, within musket- 
shot; the other about two cables length astern, ta- 
kmg a raking position on our quarter; and 'the 
rest, (with the exception of the Endvmion) with- 
in gun shot. Thus situated, with about one fifth 
of my crew killed and wounded, mv ship crippled, 
and a more than fourfold force opposed to me' 
without a chance of escape left, I deemed it my 
duty to surrender. 

It IS with emotions of pride I bear testimony 
of the gallantry and steadiness of everv officer and 
man 1 had the honour to command on this occa- 
sion, and 1 feel satisfied that the fact of their hav- 

^2 



( 186 ) 

ing beaten a force equal to themselves, in the pre- 
sence and almost under the guns of so vastly a 
superior force, when too, it was almost self-evi- 
dent, that whatever their exertions might be, they 
must ultimately be captured, will be taken as evi- 
dence of what they would have performed, had 
the force opposed to them been in any degree 
equal. 

It is with extreme pain I have to inform you 
that lieutenants Babbit, Hamilton, and Howell fell 
in the action. They have left no officers of su- 
perior merit behind them. 

If, sir, the issue of this affair had been fortunate, 
I should have felt it my duty to have recommend- 
ed to your attention lieutenants Shubrick and Gal- 
lagher. They maintained throughout the day the 
reputation they had acquired in former actions. 

Lieut. Twiggs, of the marines, displayed great 
zeal, his men were well supplied and their fire 
incomparable, so long as the enemy continued 
within musket range. 

Midshipman Randolph, who had charge of the 
forecastle division, managed it to my entire satis- 
faction. 

From Mr. Robinson who was serving as a vol- 
unteer, I received essential aid, particularly after 
I was deprived of the services of the master, and 
the severe loss I had sustained in my officers on 
the quarter-deck. 

Of our loss in killed and wounded, I am unable 
at present to give you a correct statement; the at- 
tention of the surgeon being so entirely occupied 
with the wounded, that he was unable to make 
out a correct retmni when I left the President, nor 
shall I be able to make it until our arrival in port 
w^e having parted company with the squadron yes- 
terday. The enclosed list, with the exception I 



( 187 ) 

fear of its being short of the number will be fotind 
correct. 

For twenty -four hours after the action it was 
nearly calm, and the squadron were occupied in 
repairing the crippled ships. Such of the crew 
of the President as were not badly wounded, were 
put on board the different ships: myself and a 
part of my crew were put on board this ship. On 
the 17th we had a gale from the eastv ard, when 
this ship lost her bosprit, fore and mainmasts, and 
mizen top-mast, all of which were badly wound- 
ed, and was in consequence of her disabled con- 
dition, obliged to throw overboard all of her up- 
per deck guns; her loss in killed and wounded 
must have been very great. I have not been able 
to ascertain the extent. Ten were buried after I 
came on board, {36 hours after the action;) the 
badly wounded, such as are obliged to keep their 
cots, occupy the starboard side of the gun-deck, 
from the cabin bulk head to the mainmast. From 
the crippled state of the President's spars, I feel 
satisfied she could not have saved her masts, and 
I feel serious apprehensions for the safety of our 
wounded left on board. 

It is due to captain Hope to state, that every at- 
tention has been paid by him to myself and offi- 
cers that have been placed on board his ship, that 
delicacy and humanity could dictate. 

I have the honour to be, with much respect, sir, 
your obedient servant, 

STEPHEN DECATUR. 

The hon. Benjamin W. Croivninshield, 
Secretary of the Aavy. 

British squadron referred to in the letter. 

Majestic, razee; Endymion, Pomone, Tenedos, Dispatch 

brig. 



( 188 ) 

Copy of a letter from Com. Alexander Murray, presi- 
dent of a court of inquiry, lately held at New-YorK, to in- 
vestigate the causes of the capture of the United States' 
frigate President, to the secretary of the navy, dated, 

jYciv- York^ April 17,1815. 

" Sir, — I herewith transmit to you the result of J 
the court of inquiry, respecting the capture of the 
frigate President, with the opinion of the court. 

" We have been more minute in our investiga- 
tion than might at first view have been deemed 
necessary; but as there has been a diversity of j 
opinions prevailing among the British command- *' 



JVote by the compiler . 

I feel inclined to give a particular account of the above 
conflict, as the foul and false tory journals of England pub- 
lish to the world that the President was fairly captured by 
the Eudymion, than which a more impudent falshood can- 
not be propagated. I have copies of our other most dis- 
tinguished naval engagements, but postpone publishing 
them to make room for Mr. Cobbett's excellent letters. I 
feel a peculiar predilection for this gentleman (to whom I 
presented for publication the first piece I ever wrote for 
the press, seventeen years ago) because I know of no other 
journalist in all Europe who is either able or willing to vin- 
dicate injured innocence, and advocate the rights of man. 
Surely the wig citizens of London should collect among 
themselves and refund to this injured patriot the one thou- 
sand pounds he paid the king for declaring the truth. Who 
can view with his intellectual eyes the debased and degraded 
state of the population of all Europe, without political, so- 
cial, or even intellectual lil)erty or rights, and not venerate 
the man who endeavours to ameliorate the condition of per- 
ishing old age and starving infancy with the halter dang- 
ling before his eyes, held by the spirit of despotism in one 
hand, while in the other glitters the sword of vengeance, 
with the word treason written thereon. Many of our republi- 
can champions in the United States would lie dormant in En- 
gland under similar discouragements. Indeed both England 
and America have cause to tiiank Mr. Cobbett who under \ 
God was one primary means of bringing the late war to a spee- 
dy conclusion. Mr. Cobbett cleaily sees the wretched slavery 
of the Etiropeans, while the knot of imperial, royal, right hon- 



( 189 ) 

ers, concerned in her capture, it was desirable in 
our view, to lay before the world in the most cor- 
rect manner, every circumstance that led to that 
event, which has afforded another high proof of 
American heroism, and so highly honourable to 
her commander, officers and crew, that every 
American citizen must feel a pride in knowing, 
that our flag has been so nobly defended." 

ourable villains at the Vienna congress are pratini^ about the 
liberty of Europe, and the same moment are sharing the 
plunder thereof, and dividing the people among them like 
a herd of swine. And there are tory villains in the United 
States will reverberate the golden lies of these royal wretch- 
es. Their tyranny and duplicity is enough to force a curse 
from holiness itself. I have seen with my own eyes the hu- 
man species in Prussia Russia, Ireland, and Spain, degra- 
ded almost as much as in Africa or the West-Indies, and 
this Mr. Cobbett is not afraid to testify. 

" The spirit of rapacity and plunder which prevailed in 
the dark ages of barbarism in the 1 1th century, is as much 
the spirit of the governments of the coalesced powers at 
this day. 

" We have seen it in the repeated plunder and partition 
of Poland — in the war maintained for 25 years against 
France — and recently soberly debated at Vienna. 

" The Germans, whether it be under the dominion of Aus- 
tria or Prussia, are as much slaves as the Portuguese, or 
Spaniards, or the negroes of Damahoy or Mozambique; or 
as the negroes on the English plantations of Jamaica and 
Barbadoes. 

" The Russians have literally no^eo/ile^ihe men and wo- 
men are like the oxen and hogs of the plantation, a part of 
the live stock; for example, when the empress Catharine 
rewarded the service of her male /irostitutes, it was by 
gifts of large estates; thus five brothers of the name of 
Orlqff\ received as present* seventeen millions of roubles 
in money (a rouble is about half a dollar) and 45,000 fiea^ 
sants^ that is, cerfs^ slaves^ white negroes. Another man- 
whore of the name of Vassilitchikoff^ for 22 months servi- 
ces, received 7000 Russians, nvhite negroes. 



( 190 ) 

The minutes of the court having been read and 
approved, the court was cleared, and, after due 
deliberation, resolved to express the sentiments 
and opinions of the members, on the matters sub- 
mitted to them as follows: 

In execution of the orders of the honourable 
the secretary of the navy, we have (with the ex- 
ception of two very young midshipmen) exam- 
ined every officer belonging to the President, with- 
in the> reach of the court, who survived the late 
glorious contest between the frigate President and 
a squadron of his Britannic Majesty. 

We are of opinion that the primary cause of 
the loss of the President, was her running on the 
bar as she was leaving this port. The violence 
and continuance of the shocks she received for 
an hour and a half or more, considering that she 
was laden with stores and provisions for a very 
long cruize, could not but have injured her great- 
ly, and must have impeded her sailing. Her hog- 
ged and twisted appearance after she arrived at 
Bermuda, must have been the effects of this un- 
fortunate accident. — We are convinced that it 
was owing to this that the enemy were able to 
overtake her. 

The striking of the President on the bar can- 
not be imputed to the fault of any officer who 
was attached to her; on the contrary, we think 
every possible precaution was taken, and the ut- 
most exertions were used by her commander and 
officers, to ensure her safe passage over the bar, 
and to relieve her after she had struck. The ac- 
cident was occasioned by some mistake in placing 
the boats, which were to serve as beacons for the 
President, through a channel always dangerous 



^ ( 191 ) 



for a vessel of her draught, but particularlv so at 
such a time as she was obliged to select for pas- 
sing it when the land marks could not be distin- 
guished. 

From the time that the superiority of the ene- 
my s lorce was ascertained, and it became the du- 
ty ol the President to evade it, we are convinced 
tnat the most proper measures were pursued, and 
that she made every possible effort to escape. No 
means, m our opinion, were so likely to be attend- 
ed with success, as those which were adoijted bv 
commodore Decatur. Any suggestions that diffei - 
ent measures would have been more proper or 
more likel)' to accomplish the object, we think 
are without foundation, and may be the result of 
Ignorance, or the dictates of a culpable ambition 
or of envy. ' 

We consider the management of the President 
trom the time the chase commenced till her sur- 
render, as the highest evidence of the experience 
ski 1, and resources of her commander, and of the 
ability and seamanship of her officers and crew. 
VVe fear that we cannot ex]>ress in a manner that 
AviU do justice to our feelings, our admiration of 
the conduct of commodore Decatur, and his offi- 
cers and crew, while engaged with the enemy, 
threatened with a force so superior, possessing 
advantages which must have appeared to render 
all opposition unavailing, otherwise than as it 
might affect the honour of our navy, and the cha- 
racter of our seamen. They fought with a spirit 
which no prospect of success could have height- 
ened and. It victory had met its common reward, 
the J^^ndymion's name would have been added to 
our lists of naval conquests. In this unequal con- 



( 192 ) 

flict the enemy gained a ship, but the victory was 
ours. When the President v/as obliged to leave 
the Endymion to avoid die other ships, which 
were fast coming up, the Endymion was subdued; 
and if her friends had not been at hand to rescue 
her, she was so entirely disabled that she soon 
must have struck her flag. A proof of this is, 
that she made no attempt to pursue the President 
or to annoy her by a single shot while the Presi- 
dent was within her reach, wdien, with the hope of 
escape from the oyerwhelming force which was 
nearly upon her, the President presented her stern 
to the Endymion's broadside. A further proof 
that the Endymion was conquered is, the shatter- 
ed condition in which she appeared, while the 
President in the contest with her had sustained 
but little injury; and the fact that the Endymion 
did not join the squadron till many hours after the 
President had been surrounded by the other four 
enemy's ships, and hid surrendered to them, is 
strong corroborative evidence of the disabled state 
in which the President left the Endymion. 

We thmk it due to commodore Decatur and 
his heroic officers and crew, to notice the propo- 
sition he made to board the Endymion, when he 
found she was coming up, and the manner in which 
this proposition wasVeceived by his gallant crew. 
Such a design, at such a time, could only have 
been conceived by a soul wi hout fear, and appro- 
ved with enthusiastic cheerings by men regardless 
of danger. Had not the enemy perceived the at- 
tempt, and availed himself of the power he had in 
the early pjirt of the action to shun the approach 
of the Prejddent, the American stars might now 
be shining on the Kndymion. In the subsequent 
part of the engagement the enemy's squadron was 



( 193 ) 

too near to permit the execution of this clesiq:n, and 
the disabled state of the Endymion would have 
frustrated the principal object which commodore 
Decatur had in making so bold an attempt, which 
w^as to avail himself of the Endymion's superior 
sailing to escape with his crew from his pursuers. 

We conclude by expressing our opinion that 
commodore Decatur, as well during the chase as 
through his contest with the enemy, evinced great 
judgment and skill, perfect coolness, the most de- 
termined resolution and heroic courage. That his 
conduct, and the conduct of his officers and crew, is 
highly honorable to them, and to the American na- 
vy, and deserves the warmest gratitude of their 
country. That they did not give up their ship till 
she was surrounded and overpowered by a force so 
superior that further resistance w^ould have been un- 
justifiable and a useless sacrifice of the lives of brave 



men. 



The order of the secretary of the navy requires us 
to express an opinion as to the conduct of the offi- 
cers and crew of the President after the capture. 
The testimony of all the witnesses concurs in ena- 
bling us to give it our decided approbation. 
Iji/ the Courts 

ALEX. MURRAY, PresH, 
True copy from the original. 
Cadwalader D. Colde>7, 
Jud^e Advocate, 
havy Department y April20^ 1815. 

APPROVED — 

B, W. CROWNINSHIELD. 



R 



OFFICIAL ACCOUNTS 

bF A FEW OF THE AMERICAN riCTORIES, 
ON THE OCEAN, 

DURING THE LATE WAR. 

United States* Irrigate Constitution^ off Boston 

Light, 

JiigHst 30, IS12, 

Sir, 

I have the honor to inform you that on the 
19th instant, at 2, P. M. being in latitude 41 deg» 
41 rain, and longitude 55 dt^, 48 min. with the 
Constitution under my command, a sail was discov- 
ered from the mast-head, bearing E. by S. or E. 
S. E. but at such a distance we could not tell what 
she was. All sail was instantly made in chase, and 
boon found we came up with her. At 3. P. M. 
could -plainly see that she was a ship on the star- 
board tack under easy sail, close on a wind — at half 
pasts, P. M. made her out to be a frigate — contin- 
ued the chase until we were within about three 
miles, when I ordered the light sails taken in, the 
courses hauled up, and the ship cleared for action. 
At this time the chase had backed her main-top- 
sail, waiting for us to come down. As soon as the 
Constitution was ready for action, I bore down with 
an intention to bring him to close action immediate- 
ly ; but on our coming within gun shot, she gave us 
a broadside, and filled away and wore, giving us a 
broadside on the other tack, but without effect, her 
shot falling short. She continued wearing and 
•flianceuvring for about three quarters of an hour, to 



( 195 ) 

get a raking position — but finding she could not, she 
bore up and run under her top -sails and jib, with the 
wind on the quarter. I immediately made sail to 
bring the ship up with her, and at five minutes be- 
fore 6, P. M. being along side within half pistol 
shot, we commenced a heavy fire from all our guns, 
double -shotted with round and grape, and so well 
directed were they, and so warmly kept up, that in 
16 minutes her mizen-mast went by the board, and 
his main-yard in the slings, and the hull, rigging, and 
sails, very much torn to pieces. The fire was kept 
up with equal warmth for 15 minutes longer, when 
his mxain-mast and fore-mast went, taking with them 
every spar, excepting the bowsprit ; on seeing this 
we ceased firing ; so that in thirty minutes after we 
got fairly along side of the enemy, she surrendered, 
and had not a spar standing, and her hull below and 
above water so shattered, that a few more broadsides 
must have carried her down. 

After informing that so fine a ship as the Guer- 
riere, commanded by an able and experienced officer, 
had been totally dismasted and otherwise cut to pie- 
ces, so as to make her not worth towing into port, in 
the short space of 30 minutes, you can have no doubt 
of the gallantry and good conduct of the officers and 
ship's company I have the honor to command. It 
only remains, therefore, for me to assure you, that 
they all fought with great bravery ; and it gives me 
great pleasure to say, that from the smallest boy in 
the ship, to the oldest seaman, not a look of fear was 
seen. Thev all went into action q-ivins; three 
cheers, and requesting to be laid close alongside the 
enemy. 

Enclosed I have the honor to send you a list of the 
killed and wounded on board the Constitution, and 
a report of the damages she sustained — also a list of 



( 195 ) 

killed and wounded on board the enemy, with Inii 
quarter bill, &c. I have the honor to be, with verv 
great resDect, sir, your obedient servant, 

ISAAC HULL. 

T/ie Hon. Paul Hamilton^ '^c, '^c. 



Copy of a letter from Captain Jones^ late of the 
United States' Sloop of Jf^ar the Wasp, to the 
Secretary of the A^avy^ dated 

Js:eiv-YorJc, M)t^. 24, 1812. 
Sir, 

I here avail myself of the first opportunity of 

informinp; vou of the eceurrences of our cruize, 

-11- 
•^\iiich tei niinated in tlie caP/tiu^e of the Wasr; on the 

18th of October, by the Poictiers of seventy -four 
i^^un^^ wfiile a wreck from the damages received in 
LU engagement w4th the British sloop of Vv'ar Frolic 
of twenty-two guns ; sixteen of them thirty -two 
pound carronades, and four txvelve pounders on the 
inain-deck, and two twelve pounders, carronades, 
on the tep-gallant-fore-castle, making her superior 
to us by four tw^ehe pounders. Tlie Frolic had 
struck to us, and was taken possession of, about 
two hours before our surrendering to the Poic- 
tiers. 

We I^ad left the Delaware on the 13th. The 1 6th 
had a heavy gale, in which we lost our jib-boom 
and two men. Half past eleven on tlie night of the 
17th, in the latitude of 37 degrees N. and longitude 
65 degrees W. we saw several sail, two of them ap- 
pearing very large ; we stood from them for some 
time, then shortened sail and steered the remainder 
of the night the course we had perceived them on. 
At day light on Sunday, the 18th, \ve saw them 



( 197 ) 



wiprf^. 



head—gave chase, and soon discovered thcni to be 
a convoy of six sail, under tlic protection of a sloop 
of war, four of them large ships, mounting from six- 
teen to eighteen guns. At thirty-two minutes i^ast 
eleven, A. M. we engaged the sloop of war, having 
first received her fire, at the distance of fifty or 
sixty yards, which space we gi^adually lessened un^ 
tiL we laid her on board, after a well 'supported fire 
oi forty-tnree minutes ; and although so near, while 
loading the last broadside, that our rammers were 
shoved agamst the side of the enemy, our men ex- 
hibited the same alacrity which they had done dur- 
ing the Mdiole of the action. They immediately 
surrendered upon our gaining their forecastle, so 
that no loss was sustained on either side after board 



insr. 



Our mam-top-mast was shot away between four 
and fi^^e minutes from the commencement of the 
linng ; and falling, together with the main-top-sail 
yard, across the larboard fore and fore-top-sail bra-- 
ces, rendered our head-yards unmanageable the re- 
mamder of the action. At eight minutes the -aft 
and mizen-top-gallant-mast came down, and^ at 
twent}- mmutes from the commencement of the ac- 
tion every brace and most of the rigging was shot 
away. A few minutes after separating from th^ 
Irohc both her masts fell upon the deck, the main-" 
,mast going close by the deck, and the fore-m^'^t 12 
or 15 feet above it. 

j The courage and exertions of the officers and 
^rew fully answered my expectations c^nd wi-he- 
Lieutenant Biddle's active conduct contributed 
much to our success, by the exact attention paid to 
every department during the engagement, and the 
animatmg example he aflbrded the crew by his in^ 
trepidity. Lieutenants Rodgers, Booth, and Mr, 

.1 2 



( 198 ) 

Rapp, shewed by the incessant fire from their divi- 
sions, that they were not to be surpassed in resolu- 
tion or skill. Mr. Knight and every other officer, 
acted with a courage and promptitude highly honor- 
able, and I trust have given assurance that they may 
be relied on whenever their services may be requir- 
ed. 

I could not ascertain the exact loss of the enemy, 
as many of the dead lay buried under the mast and 
spars that had fallen upon deck, which two hours' 
exertion had not sufficiently removed. Mr. Bid- 
die, who had charge of the Frolic, states, that from 
what he saw, and from information from the officers, 
the number of killed must have been about thirty, 
and that of the wounded about forty or fifty — of the 
killed is her first lieutenant and sailing master, of the 
wounded captain Whinyates and the second lieu- 
tenant. 

We have five killed and five wounded, as per j 
list; the wounded are recovering. Lieutenant 
Clexton, who was confined by sickness, left his bed 
a little previous to the engagement, and though too 
weak to be at his division, remained upon deck, and 
shewed liy his composed manner of noting its inci- 
dent^, that we had lost by his illness the services of 
;a brave officer. I afn, respectfully, yours, 

JACOB JONES, 
The Hon. Paul Hamilton., 
Secretary of the A''avz/. 



( 199 ) 

Letter from Commodore Decatur to the Secretary 

of the Navy, 
U. States Ship United States, 

at Sea, Oct. 30, 1812. 
Sir, 

I have the honor to inform you that on the 
25th instant, being in the latitude 29 deg. N. lon- 
gitude 29 deg. 30 min. W. we fell in with, and af- 
ter an action of an hour and a half, captured his 
Britannic majesty's ship Macedonian, commanded 
by captain John Garden, and mounting 49 carriage 
guns (the odd gun shifting. ) She is a frigate of the 
largest class, two years old, four months out of 
dock, and reputed one of the best sailers in the Bri- 
tish service. The enemy being to windward had 
the advantage of engaging us at his own distance, 
which was so great, that for the first half hour we 
did not use our carronades, and at no moment was 
he within the complete effect of our musquetry or 
grape — to this circumstance and a heavy swell, 
which was on at the time, I ascribe the unusual 
length of the action. 

The enthusiasm of every officer, seaman, and ma- 
rine, on board this ship, on discovering the enemy 
—■their steady conduct in battle, and precision of 
their fire, could not be surpassed. Where all met 
my fullest expectations, it would be unjust in me 
to discriminate. Permit me, however, to recom- 
mend to your particular notice my first lieutenant, 
William H. Allen, He has served with me up- 
wards of five years, and to his unremitted exertions 
in disciplining the crew, is to be imputed the obvi- 
ous superiority of our gunnery exhibited in the re- 
ijult of this contest. 

Subjoined is a list of the killed and wounded on 
both sides, Oui' loss, compared with that of the 



( 200 ) 

er.emy, will appear small. Amongst our womided, 
you will observe the name of lieutenant Funk, who 
died a few hours after the action — he was an officer 
of great gallantry and promise, and the service has 
sustained a severe loss in his death. 

The Macedonian lost her mizen-mast, fore and 
main-top-masts and main yard, and was much cut 
up in her hull. The damage sustained by this ship 
was not so much as to render her return into port 
necessary, and had I not deemed it important that 
we should see our prize in, should have continued 
our cruize. 

With the highest consideration and respect, I am, 
sir, your obedient humble servant, 

(Signed) STEPHEN DECATUR. 

Hon, Paul Hamilton^ ^c. 



Letter from Commodore Bainbrklge to the Secreta- 
rij of the Navy, 
United States Frigate Constitution, 

St. Salvador e^ Jan. 3,1^12. 

Sir, 

I have the honor to inform you, that on the 
29th ult. at 2, P. M. in south latitude 13 deg. 6 
min. and west longitude 38 deg. about ten leagues 
distance from the coast of Brazil, I fell in with and 
captured his Britannic majesty's frigate Java, of 49 
guns and upwards of 400 men, commanded by cap- 
tain Lambert, a very distinguished officer. The ac- 
tion lasted one hour B5 minutes, in which time the 
enemy was completely dismasted, not having a spar 
of any kind standing. The loss on board the Con- 
stitution was nine killed and 25 wounded. Tlite 
jenemy had "60 killed and 101 wounded certainly 



( 201 ) 

,. (cimongthe latter captain Lambert mortally ;) but 
by the enclosed letter ^vritten on board this ship (by 
one of the officers of the Java,) and accidentally 
found, it is evident that the enemy's wounded must 
have been nuich greater than as above stated, and 
who must have died of their wounds previously to 
their being removed. The letter states 60 killed 
and 170 wounded. 

1 or further details of the action, I beg leave to fe- 
fer you to the enclosed extracts from my journal. 
The Jav.i had, in addition to her ovv'n cre^v', upwards 
of 100 supernumerary officers and seamiCn to join 
the British ships of war in the East Indies; also 
I lieutenant-general Hislop, a.ppointed to the com- 
mand of Bombay, major Walker and cnptain Wood 
of Iiis staff, and captain Marshall, master and com- 
! mander in the British na\y, going to the East 
Indies to take command of a sloop of war there. 
Should I attempt to do justice by representation 
\ to the brave and good conduct of all mv officers and 
' crew,^ during the action I should fail in the attempt ; 
thercibre, suffice it to say, that the whole of their 
! conduct was such as to merit n\v highest encomi* 
urns. I beg leave to recommend' the officers parti- 
L cularly to the notice of government, as also the un- 
fortunate seamen ^vho were wounded, and the fami- 
lies of those brave men wlio fell in the action. 

The great distance from our own coast, and* the 
perfect Wreck we made the enejuy's frigate, forbad 
e\'ery idea of attempting to take her to the United 
States, I had, therefore, no alternative but burning 
per, which I did on the 51st ult. after receiving all 
the prisoners and their baggage, which was verV te- 
dious work, only having one boat left (out of eight,) 
and not oneleft on board the Java. 

On blowing up the frigate Java, I proceeded to 



( 202 ) 

this place, where I have landed all the prisoners on 
their parole, to return to England and there remain 
until regularly exchanged, and not to serve in their 
professional capacities in any place or in any manner 
whatever against the U. States of x\merica, until their 
exchange shall be eifected. 

I have the honor to be, sir, with the gi-eatest res- 
pect, 

(Signed) W. BAINBRIDGE. 



Letter from captain Lawrence to the Secretary of 

the Navy* 
U. States Ship Hornet, Holmes'^ Hok% 

March 19, 18 IS. 
Sir, 

I have the lionor to inform you of the arrival at 
this port of the tlnited States ship Hornet, under 
my command, from a cruise of 145 days ; and to 
state to you, that after commodore Bainbridge left 
the coast of Brazil, January 6th, I continued off the 
harbor of St. Salvadore, blockading the Bonne Ci- 
toyenne, until the 24th, when the Montague, 74, 
hove in sight and chased me into the harbor ; but 
night coming on, I wore and stood out to the south- 
ward. Knowing that she had left Rio Janeiro for 
the express purpose of relieving the Bonne Citoyen- 
ne and the packet (which I had also blockaded for 
14 days, and obliged her to send her mail to Rio, 
in a Portuguese smack,) I judged it most prudent 
to sliift my cruising ground, and hauled by the wind 
to the eastward, with the view of cruising off Per- 
nambuco, and on the 4th of February, captured the 
English br?g Resolution, of 10 guns, from Rio Ja- 
neiro, bound to Moranham, with coffee, jerked beef, 



( ^03 ). 



ilour, fustic, and butter, and about 23,000 dollars in 
specie. As she sailed dull, and I could not spare 
liands to man her, I took out the money and set her 
on fire. I then ran down the coast of Moranham, 
and cruised therc a short time ; from thence ran off 
burinam. After cruising off that coast from the 
15th to the 22d of February, without meeting a 
vessel I stood for Demarara, with an intention, 
should I not be fortunate on that station, to run 
through the West Indies, on my way to the United 
states. But on the 24th, in the moVning, I disco- 
vered a l^rig to leeward, to which I gave chase-^ran 
into quarter less four, and not having a pilot was 
obliged to haul off— the fort at the entrance of De- 
marara river at this time bearing S. W. distant two 
an^ a half leagues. Previous to giving up the ch?§e 
1 discovered a vessel at anchor without the bar, with 
J^nghsh colors flying, apparently a brig of war. In 
beating around Carobana bank, in order to get at her 
at half past 3, P. M. I discovered another sail on 
my weather quarter, edging down for us. At 20 
inmutes past 4, she hoisted English colors, at which 
tune we discoveredher to be a lai'ge man of war brio- 
—beat to quarters, and cleared ship for action, and 
kept close to the wind, in order, if possible, to get 
the weather guage. At 10 minutes past 5, finding 
1 could weather the enemy, I hoisted American co- 
lours, and tacked. At 25 minutes past 5, in passino- 
each other exchanged broadsides within half pistol 
shot. Observing the enemy in the act of wearing, 
1 bore up, received his starbori.rd broadside, ran him 
close on board on the stai'bocird quaiter, and kept up 
such a heavy and well-directed fire, that in less than 
15 minutes he surrendered f being litcraily cut to pie- 
ces,) and hoisted an ensign, union down, from his 
f(u'e-rigging, as a signal of distress, f^liortly after 



{ ii04 

];er main-mast went by the board. Despatched 
lieutenant Shiibrick on board, who soon returned 
with her first Heutenant, who reported her to be his 
Britannic majesty's late brig Peacock, commanded 
by captain William Peake, who fell in the . latter 
part of the action — that a number of her crew were 
killed and wounded, and that she was sinking fast, 
having then six feet water in her hold. Despatched 
the boats immediately for the wounded, and brought 
both vessels to anchor. Such shot holes as could 
be got at, were then plugged ; her guns throvv^n 
overboard, and every possible exertion used to 
keep her afloat, until the prisoners could be remov- 
ed, by pumping and bailing, but v^ithout effect, as 
she unfortunately sunk in five and a half fathoms 
water, carrying down 13 of her crew, and three of 
my brave fellows, viz. John Hart, Joseph Williams, 
and Hannibal Boyd. — -Lieutenant Conner, midship- 
man Cooper, and the remainder of my men, em- 
ployed in rem^oving the prisoners, with difficulty 
saved themselves, by jumping into a boat that was 
lying on her booms, as she went down. 

Four men, of the 13 mentioned, were so fortu- 
nate as to gain the fore-top, and vrcre afterwards ta- 
ken off by the boats. Previous to her going down, 
four of her men took to her stern boat, that had , 
been much damaged during the action, who, I sin^ • 
cerely hope, reached the shore in safety ; but from 
the heavy sea running at that time, the shattered 
state of the boat, and the difficulty of landing on thej 
coast, I am fearful they were lost. I have not been ■ 
able to ascertain from her ofiicers the exact number 
killed. Captain Peake and four men were found , 
dead on board. The master, one midshipman, | 
carpenter, and captain's clerk, and 29 seamen were.j 
wounded; most of them Ycry severely, three of; 



( 205 ) 



whom died of their wounds after being removed, 
and nine drowned. Our loss was trifling in com- 
panson John Place killed, Samuel Coulsan, and 
John Dalrymple, slightly wounded ; George Coffin 
and Lewis fodd severely burnt by the explosion 
of a cartridge. Todd survived onlv a few days. 
Uur rigging and sails were much cut. One shot 
through the foremast : and the bowsprit slightly in- 
jared. Our hull received little or no damage. At 
the time I brought the Peacock to action, thi L'Es- 
piegle (the brig mentioned as being at anchor^, 
mounting 16 tw^-and-thirty-pound caiTonades and 
t«o long nines, lay about six miles in shore of me 
and could plainly see the whole of the action. An - 
prehensive that she would beat out to the assistance 
ot hei consort, such exertions were made by my of- 
licers and crew in repairing damages, &c. (hat by 9 
o dock my boats were stowed away, a new set of 
^2 a"'iu""' '!"' '\"P ^°'"Pletely ready for action, 
f^.i u ^ . ""^'^'' "'-''>"' ^"'l stood by the wind 

to the northward and westward, under easy sail. 

linnrilH "T"^ next morning, found we had two 
n" thf seventy-seven souls on board (includ- 
ing the crew of the American brig Hunter ofPort- 
and, taken a few days before by tL Peacock ) X 
we had been on two-thirds allowance of provisiolS 

board, I reduced the allowance to three pints a man 

fineTf'iTnfr ^l^^^'-y^'^ly styled one of the 
nnest ■vessels of her class m the British iiavv 1 

should judge her to be about the tonnage of ' the 
Hornet. Her beam was greater by five inches b„t 
her extreme length not soVeat by four feet ' She 
mounted sixteen 24-pou.fd canies So lonj 



( 206 ) 

nines, one twelve-pound caiTonade on her top- gal- 
lant forecastle as a shifting gun, and one four or six- 
pounder, and two swivels mounted aft. I find by 
her quarter bills, that her crew consisted of 134 
men, four of whom were absent in a prize. 

The cool and determined conduct of mv officers 
and crew during the action, and their almost unex- 
ampled exertions afterwards, entitle them to my 
warmest acknowledgments, and I beg leave most 
earnestly to recommend them to the notice of go- 
vernment. 

By the indisposition of lieutenant Stewart, I was 
deprived of the services of an excellent officer. — 
Had he been able to stand the deck, I am confident 
his exertions w^ould not have been surpassed by any 
one on board. I should be doing injustice to the 
merits of lieutenant Shubrick, and acting-lieutenants 
Conner and Newton, were I not to recommend 
them particularly to your notice. Lieutenant Shu- 
brick was in the actions with the Guerriere and Ja- 
va. Captain Hull and commodore Bainbridge can 
bear testimony to his coolness and good conduct 
on both occasions. 

I have the honour to be, sir, your obedient sei*- 
vant, 

(Signed) JAMES LAWRENCE. 

Hon, Wm, JoTWs^ Secretary of the Navy, 

P. S. At the commencement of the action, my 
sailing master and seven men were absent in a prize: 
and lieutenant Stewart and six men on the sick list. 
As there is every prospect of the ^vind being to the 
eastward, in the morning I shall make the best of 
my way to New York . 



( 2or ) 

Copy of a letter from capt. Hull to the Secretary of 

the Navy. 

Portland, Sept, 7, 1813. 

I had the honor last evening to forward you bv 
express, through the hands of commodore Bain-^ 
bridge, a letter 1 rceeived from Samuel Sforer, esq. 
navy agent at this place, detailing an account of the 
capture of the British brig Boxer by the U. States 
brig Enterprise. 

^ I have now to inform you that I left Portsmouth 
tnis morning, and have this moment arrived, and, 
as the m^ail is closing, I have only time to enclose 
you the report of lieutenant IM'Call of the Enter- 
pnze, and to assure you that a statement of the si- 
tuation of the two vessels as to the damage they 
have received, &c. shall be forwarded as soon as sur- 
veys can be made. The Boxer has received much 
damage in her hull, masts, and sails, indeed it was 
with difficulty she could be kept afloat to get her in. 
ihe Enterprize is only injured in her masts and 
sails. 

I have the honor to be, &c. 

TJ TT rr r c ISAAC HULL. 

Ihe Hon, IV m, Jones, Sec'ry of the Navy. 



United States' Brig Enterinize, 

Portland, Sept, 7, 1813. 

OIR, 

Inconsequence of the unfortunate death of 
lieutenant commandant William Burrows late 
commander of this vessel, it devolves on me to ac- 
quaint you with the result of our cruize. After sail - 
ing from Portsmouth on the 1st instant, we steered 



( 208 



io the eastward; and on the morning of the 3d, oft 
Wood Island, discovered a schooner, which we 
chased into this harbor, where we anchored. On 
the morning of the 4th, weighed anchor and swept 
out, and continued our course to the eastward. 
Having received information of several privateers 
beir.g off Manhagan, we stood for that place ; and 
on the following morning, in the bay near Penguin 
Point, discovered a brig getting under way, which 
appeared to be a vessel of war, and to which we im- 
niediately gave chase. She fired several guns and 
stood for us, having four ensigns hoisted. After 
reconnoitring and discovering her force and the na- 
tion to ^vhich she belonged, v/e hauled upon a wind 
to stand out of the bay, and at 3 o'clock shortened 
sail, tacked and run down with an intention to bring 
hcT to close action. At twenty minutes after three, 
P. M. when within half pistol shot, the firing com- 
iucnced from both, and after being Avarmly kept 
up, and with some manoeuvring, the enemy hailed, 
and said they had surrendered, about 4, P. M. their 
colours being nailed to the masts, could not be haul- 
ed dov.n. She proved to be his Britannic majesty's 
brig Boxer, of 14 guns, Samuel Blythe, esq. com- 
mander, who fell in the early part of the engagement, 
having received a cannon shot through the body. 
And I am sorry to add that lieutenant Burrows, 
who had gallantly led us to action, fell also about 
the same time by a musket ball, which terminated 
his existence in eight hours. 

The Enterprize suffered much in spars and rig- 
ging, and the Boxer both in spars, rigging, and hull, 
having many shots between wind and water. 

It would be doing injustice to the merit of Mr. 
Tillinghast, second lieutenant, were I not to men- 
tion the able assistance I received from him during 



( 209 ) 

the remainder of the engagement, by his strict atten- 
tion to his own division and other departments. 
And the officers and crew generally, I am happy to 
add, their cool and determined conduct have my 
warmest approbation and applause. 

As no muster roll that can be fully relied on has 
come into my possession, I cannot exactly state the 
number killed on board the Boxer, but from infor- 
mation received from the officers of that vessel, it 
appears there were between twenty and twenty -five 
killed, and fourteen wounded. Enclosed is a list 
of the killed and wounded on board the Enter- 
prize. 

I have the honor to be, &c. 

EDWARD R. M'CALL, 

S 671107' Officer^, 
Isaac Hull, Esq. command'm^ Naval Officer^ 
on the Eastern Station. 



Copy of a letter from Isaac Hull, Esq. commanding 
Naval Officer on the station east of Portsmouth, 
Nexv Hampshire. 

United States N'avy Yard, 
Portsmouth, Sept. 14, 1813. 

I have the honor to forward you by the mail, 
the flags of the late British brig Boxer, which were 
nailed to her mast-heads at the time she was captur- 
ed by the United States brig, Enterprize. 

Great as the pleasure is that I derive from per- 
forming this part of my duty, I need not tell you 
how^ different my feelings would have been could 
the gallant Burrows have had this honour. 

He went into action most gallantly, and the dif- 

s 2 



( 210 ) 

ference of injury done the two vessels proves how 
nobly he fought. 

I have the honor to be, with great respect, sir, 
your obedient servant, 

ISAAC HULL. 
Hon, Wm* Jones ^ Sec'ry of the Navij, 



CONCLUSlOlSr. 

I cannot resist the inclination I feel to make room 
for an extract from another of Mr. Gobbet's excel- 
lent letters to lord Castlereagh, on the late revolu- 
tion in France, hoping the reader may enjoy the 
same delight on viewing a true statement of Euro- 
pean affairs as I have myself. In a country crouded 
with lying journalists, I cannot sufficiently admire 
one who exhibits the naked truth, although he has 
already suffered for so doing, two years imprison- 
ment and the forfeiture of a thousand pounds to the 
king of England. 

PEACE! PEACE! 

TO LORD CASTLEREAGH, 

My Lord, 

The grand €vent which has just taken 
place in France, and which is so well calculated to 
convince all mankind of the folly as well as the in- 
justice, of using foreign force for the purpose of dic- 
tating to a great nation who they shall have for their 
rulers, or what shall be the form of government; this 
grand event, instead of procuring such conviction 
in the minds of those persons connected with the 
London newspapers, magazines and reviews, who 
-wre called Cossac JFritcrs ; so far from procuring 



( 211 ) 

such conviction in their minds, this erand event 
seems to have made them more eager than ever for 
interference in the domestic affairs of France ; and 
while the cries of our countrymen at Nexu Orleans 
are yet vibrating in our ears, these men are endea 
vormg to urge you and your colleagues on to the 
sendnig of thousands upon thousands more of our 
men, and to expend hundreds of millions more of 
our money, m order to overset a government which 
the 1^ rench nation love, and to compel them to sub 
mit to one which they hate, or at least, despise, from 
the bottom of their hearts, and with unanimity ab 
solutely unparelelled. 

My Lord, if my advice had been followed, we 
should have had no American war; the 20 or 
30,000 men, and the 50 or 60 millions of money 
which that unfortunate war has cost us ; and which 
have only, as it turns out, created an American na- 
vy, and exalted the republic among the nations of 
the world, would all have been saved. The litera- 
ry Cossacs of London, were, I verily believe, the 
chief cause of war. They urged you and vour 

^Srn^^' nA^lrJ^'^r'''^''' 'f'^' American 
} ORxM OF GOVERNMENT. Napoleon be- 
ing, as they thought, down, never to rise a^ain, they 
urged yon to make war, till you had put down 
James Madison, and -delivered the world 
oi the existence of tliat EXAMPLE of the sue 
cess of DEMOCRATIC REBELLION '' 'J^^ 
peace with Madison,'' was their cry. Kill ' kill ' 
keep killing, till he is put down ! This was their 
incessant cry And, in a short time after Nano- 
leon was exiled to the isle of Elba, these liteniry 
Cossacs published a paragraph, which they inserted 
m the report of the debates in the house of com- 
mons, as the report of the speech of sir Joseph 



( 212 ) 

Yorke, then and now one of the lords of the admi- 
ralty, in the following words : to wit — '' Sir Jo- 
seph Yorke observed, that although one great ene- 
my of this country, Bonaparte, had been deposed, 
there was another gentleman whoseDEPOSITION 
was only necessary to our interest ; he meant Mr. 
President Madison ; and with a view to that de- 
position, a considerable naval force must be kept 
up, especially in the Atlantic. But as to his hon- 
orable friend's opinion respecting the reduction of 
the navy, he wished it to be considered that a num- 
ber of shipping were employed in conveying French 
prisoners to France, and 'bringing home our own 
countrymen. So much for the occupation of na- 
vy on the home station. But from the Mediterra- 
nean, for instance, several three deckers were or- 
dered home, and he could aver that no practical 
exertion would be remitted to reduce the expense 
of our naval department." 

With what shame ! — with what sorrow, would 
these writers, if they had not lost all sense of shame, 
and all feeling for their country, now look back on 
their conduct, at the time to which I am referring ! 
Instead of feeling shame for that conduct, they are 
now acting the same part over again ; they are now 
reviving all their old calumnies against the empe- 
ror Napoleon ; they are abusing the French army 
and the French people ; they are bestowing on them 
appellations almost too infamous to be repeated ; 
and they are calling upon you and your colleagues 
to make a war of extermination upon that people, 
unless they will receive and adopt the ruler and the 
government appointed, or pointed out by England. 
These men called Mr. Madison a TRAITOR and 
a REBEL ; and they are now calling Napoleon a 
TRAITOR and a REBEL. They called the A^ 



( '-^13 ) 

iiiericans slaves, villains, thieves ; and with these 
appellations with many others, not excepting cow- 
ards^ they are nov/ bestowing on the French people \ 
— They now see you and your colleagues have 
found it necessary to make a treaty of peace and 
amity with Mr. Madison, whom they called a trai- 
tor and a rebel ; but, these men are of that descrip- 
tion of fools to whom experience cannot teach wis- 
dom, and they are now repeating their cry ?io peace 
xvith Napoleon; no peace till the Bourbons are 
again on the throne of France : wT^r with the French 
until they adopt a ruler in whom xve have conii- 
dence. 

[_Afte7' this introduction the xvriter^ with his usu- 
al acumen^ expostidates xvith Lord Castlereagh on 
the subject of a new French war.'] 

But, my lord, long as this address to you already 
is, there is one view of this impending danger to 
which I must yet beg leave to call your serious at- 
tention. 

It is said that "war will, as hitherto, favor our 
shipping and commercial interests, wliile our navy 
secures us the sovereignty of the seas.^"* And af- 
terwards it is said that our ''manufactures will 
prosper with the continent of Europe and Amei^ica 
open.*' 

Does not the very name of America, coupled 
with that of war in Europe, give rise to a thousand 
thoughts in the mind of yoiu' lordship? Do you 
not see the rising navy in the mouths of the Sus- 
quehanna and Hudson? In short, what English- 
man can look that way without alarm? It is well 
known that our commerce and shipping, during 
the late war, ^vere supported by the restrictions 
which our navy enabled us to impose on the com 
merce and navigation of neutrals, and especially on 



( 214 ) 

those of America. It is well known that, had we 
not claimed the sea as our own, and exercised our 
power accordingly, our commerce and navigation 
must have dwindled into a very small compass, 
and those of AmxCrica would have swelled to an en- 
ormous size, while France, open to the shipping 
and commerce of America, would have experienced 
little injury from the power of our navy. 

Well, then, is it to be believed, v/hen we look 
at the progress and conclusion of the American war, 
that we shall again attempt those restrictions on her 
commerce and navigation? This is not to be be- 
lieved; and if we Vv^ere to attempt them, is it to be 
believed that we should not find America a party 
in the war against us? — The late event in France 
will excite in America joy unbounded, and especi- 
ally amongst those against whom the malicious 
shafts of the editors of our newspapers were level- 
led. When they hear these men describe Napole- 
on as a '' traitor ?j\d ?L rebcl^^^ they will recollect 
that the very same men described the President, 
their constitutional chief magistrate, as :i ^'traitor 
and rebeP^ and that they called upon his fellow- ci- 
tizens, who had freely chosen him, to depose him 
and /rzY/him. The Americans, my lord, are not to 
be made to believe that Napoleon has forced him- 
self upon the French nation ; they are not to be 
made to believe that he has none but the army on 
his side ; they are not to be made to believe that he 
is merely at the head of 'V/ ba?id of Janissaries ;^^ 
they are not to be rqade to believe that, with a mere 
handful of soldiers, he could have marched from 
Cannes to Paris, unless he had been the man of the 
people; they are not to be made to believe that the 
Bourbons would have fled from a throne and from a 
sovereignty over thirty millions of people, unless 



( 215 ) 

*j-^ 'i^d been convinced that the /.d'o/-/e were on the 
side of Napoleon ; they are not to made to believe 
all or any ot these things, but thev will see in this 
event a proof of the fact, of which fact some of them 
before doubted, that Napoleon reigns in virtue of the 
love and the choice of the French nation. 

Ihe American government will, for a while at 
least be disposed to remain at peace ^vith us; but we 
may be well assured that it will never again submit 
to any restrictions on its commerce and navigation 
not ^wanted by the well known and universally ac' 
knowledged laws of nations ;— and it would not be 
at ah surprising, if it should lean very stronHy to- 
ward France, if we were to make war upon the lat- 
ter for the purpose of dictating a government to her 
dared °' °^'P°'^''°" *° ''^'' '^'"'' "°^^ so clearly de- 

tn ^lVY^°'u'-'' 1 ^'^^""^'y ^^'^"='1 ^^-^i^ad not 
to contend with ,n the last war—These prizes 
which this writer holds out as a bait to our naval of-' 
hcers and their connections, would not be so nu- 
h^^^'^u ^"^'"^ '^'^y ^^'°"^'l ^' ^'^'7 few in num. 

ex ;nt^i^''°"'"!"''' °?^'"'"^^ ^^^^l'^' to a great 
extent, be carried on ,n American ships.— America 
would be the carrier for both nations. The incre se 
of her navigation, ,vould signify nothing to France- 
ndced France would rejoice atk, because it ,vS 
be tremendously dangerous to us. 

Let np flatterer persuade your lordship, that the 
Americans are to be either wheedled or coiupted 
I hey love peace; but thev are a wise peonle rd 

war. The astyear has taught them that thev must 

depend solely on their arms. Thev will renumber 

heflamesofFrenchtown.StoningtonandS^^^^ 

ton. 1 hey will remember tlieir sufferings from the 



{ 216 ) 

hand of our Indian allies. They Aviii remembei 
our considering their naturalized citizens as trai- 
tors* 

CONCLUDING NOTE OF THE COMPILER. 

From the gliinpse we have g-'iven of the religious and political de- 
lusion, and consequent misery, and degradation of the European po- 
pulation ; the free, enlightened, and independent American reader, 
may be incUned to pity, and des])ise the people who thus suffer them- 
selves fo be degraded to beasts of burthen, by their Royal, Kight 
Honorable, and Right Reverend Tyrants. They should hideed be pi- 
tied, but not despised. I'ears of compassion for them, and tears of 
gratitude to God, should flow spontaneously from the eyes of every 
free born American, when he beholds the deleterious clouds of er- 
i-or, which the genius of smiling Liberty has for ever exterminated 
from his independent mind, but which she is prohibited, by the frown- 
kig spirit of despotim, from even attempting' to exterminate, from the 
debased minds of the wondering, cheated, king ridden, and priest rid- 
den population of Europe. While I pity from my heart's core, those 
wretched and degraded millions, my breast swells with affection, gra- 
titude and veneration for such men as Wm. Cobbett and sir Francis 
l^urdett, who have used their best and boldest endeavours to attenuate 
the miserable degradation, under which they crouch and have mag- 
nanimously endured the lash of despotism therefor, but that lash has 
iiot inflicted so bitter a pang, as the recollection that their patriotic 
labours and sufferings have all proved abortive. Rut let them be en- 
couraged. The ray of political light, they have displayed, will soor 
become a mighty flame — then, and not till then will a bold and val- 
iant people break their ephemeral bonds and rise in all the majesty of 
tlieir strength. Then will they think and wonder at the thought, that 
thev were chained by local and longstanding prejudices, as the giant 
Gulliver by the Tilliputlans, v/hose bonds were as imperceptible as 
his enemies were diminutive. 



FINIS. 



u 















f^> >^ "^ ^!*ww*^* <C^ ^ *' 





-^^^ 






H a 









^^^^ 





^9^ 



y -.v^ 











'bV'^ 




9^ 






^6 

4^ 



.HO^ 




iP-n^ 



••• 




<6 '^i;!*!?^* <«?' '^» 




•no* -O" 



* •o. 



• ^^^^^. 





% ^^^^ ^^o^/r^% 'o. .,-?.- - 






•* *'• 



-^0 



H°* 






.■i°t. 







.*■ 



s.'^'^^. 








